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形态句法语义副中央凹加工:来自俄语中第n + 1个词和第n个词的眼动追踪证据

Morpho-syntactico-semantic parafoveal processing: Eye-tracking evidence from word n + 1 and word n in Russian.

作者信息

Stoops Anastasia, Dempsey Jack, Christianson Kiel

机构信息

Psychology Department, University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign.

Department of Educational Psychology, University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign.

出版信息

J Exp Psychol Hum Percept Perform. 2025 Aug;51(8):1100-1117. doi: 10.1037/xhp0001354. Epub 2025 Jun 26.

Abstract

Two experiments compared morpho-syntactico-semantic parafoveal processing of five-letter words n + 1 (Experiment 1) with five-letter regions at the end of longer words n (Experiment 2), understudied cross-linguistically. Earlier boundary-change studies showed that subject/object case assignment in Russian can be extracted from a parafoveally presented but never directly fixated letter when the related preview is the most expected continuation (Stoops & Christianson, 2017, 2019). This study reversed the syntactic expectations for the identical and related previews (Cloze ratings: 94% grammatical identical object vs. 0% ungrammatical related subject). The related preview was read more slowly than the no-change preview in the later measures: go-past for the words + 1 and , according to both frequentist and Bayesian analyses. Additionally, the study clarifies the augmented allocation of attention hypothesis-skilled readers process parafoveally visible parts of a longer word faster than length-controlled upcoming word + 1, yet the message-level contextual linguistic information affected the target words and + 1 similarly. The most intriguing finding is the delayed morpho-syntactico-semantic effect: even though the morphologically ungrammatical marking was parafoveally available, the syntactic fit only affected delayed processing, manifested as increased reading of previous text. More cross-linguistic work is needed to understand the role of higher level linguistic information beyond the predictability of individual lexical items on parafoveal processing during reading. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2025 APA, all rights reserved).

摘要

两项实验比较了五个字母的单词n + 1(实验1)与较长单词末尾的五个字母区域n(实验2)在形态句法语义副中央凹加工方面的情况,这在跨语言研究中较少被关注。早期的边界变化研究表明,当相关预视是最预期的延续时,俄语中主语/宾语格的分配可以从副中央凹呈现但从未直接注视的字母中提取出来(Stoops & Christianson,2017年,2019年)。本研究颠倒了相同和相关预视的句法预期(完形填空评分:语法上相同的宾语为94%,不符合语法的相关主语为0%)。在后期测量中,相关预视的阅读速度比无变化预视慢:根据频率主义和贝叶斯分析,对于单词 + 1和 ,越过目标词的情况都是如此。此外,该研究阐明了注意力增强分配假说——熟练读者对较长单词副中央凹可见部分的加工速度比对长度控制的即将出现的单词 + 1更快,但信息层面的上下文语言信息对目标单词 和 + 1的影响类似。最有趣的发现是形态句法语义效应的延迟:尽管形态上不符合语法的标记在副中央凹是可用的,但句法匹配只影响延迟加工,表现为对前文阅读的增加。需要更多的跨语言研究来理解除单个词汇项目的可预测性之外的更高层次语言信息在阅读过程中对副中央凹加工的作用。(PsycInfo数据库记录(c)2025美国心理学会,保留所有权利)

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