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“我没事,约翰”:1981 - 1992年英格兰和威尔士的投票模式与死亡率

"I'm all right, John": voting patterns and mortality in England and Wales, 1981-92.

作者信息

Smith G D, Dorling D

机构信息

Department of Social Medicine, University of Bristol.

出版信息

BMJ. 1996;313(7072):1573-7. doi: 10.1136/bmj.313.7072.1573.

Abstract

OBJECTIVE

To investigate the association between voting patterns, deprivation, and mortality across England and Wales.

DESIGN

Ecological study.

SETTING

All the electoral constituencies of England and Wales.

MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES

Combined and sex specific standardised mortality ratios.

RESULTS

For the years surrounding the three elections of 1983, 1987, and 1992 overall standardised mortality ratios showed substantial negative correlations of -0.74 to -0.76 with Conservative voting and substantial positive correlations of 0.73 to 0.77 with Labour voting (all P < 0.0001). Correlations were higher for male than female mortality. Conservative voting was strongly negatively correlated (r = -0.84) with the Townsend deprivation score, while Labour voting was positively correlated (r = 0.74) with this. Labour and Conservative voting explained more of the variance in mortality than did the Townsend score. In multiple regression analyses for the 1992 election Labour voting (P < 0.0001), Conservative voting (P < 0.0001), the Townsend score (P = 0.016), and abstentions (P = 0.032) were all associated with mortality. Labour and conservative voting explained 61% of the variance in mortality between constituencies; when Townsend score and abstentions were added this increased to 63%.

CONCLUSIONS

Conservative and Labour voting are at least as strongly associated with mortality as is a standard deprivation index. Voting patterns may add information above that provided by indicators of material deprivation. People living in better circumstances and who have better health, who are least likely to require unemployment benefit and free school meals or to rely on a state pension in old age, and who are most able to opt out of state subsidised provision of transport, education, and the NHS, vote for the party that is most likely to dismantle the welfare state.

摘要

目的

调查英格兰和威尔士投票模式、贫困程度与死亡率之间的关联。

设计

生态研究。

背景

英格兰和威尔士所有选举选区。

主要观察指标

合并及按性别分类的标准化死亡率。

结果

在1983年、1987年和1992年三次选举前后的年份里,总体标准化死亡率与保守党投票率呈显著负相关,相关系数为-0.74至-0.76,与工党投票率呈显著正相关,相关系数为0.73至0.77(均P<0.0001)。男性死亡率的相关性高于女性。保守党投票率与汤森贫困得分呈强烈负相关(r=-0.84),而工党投票率与之呈正相关(r=0.74)。工党和保守党投票率比汤森得分能解释更多死亡率的方差。在对1992年选举的多元回归分析中,工党投票率(P<0.0001)、保守党投票率(P<0.0001)、汤森得分(P=0.016)和弃权率(P=0.032)均与死亡率相关。工党和保守党投票率解释了选区之间死亡率方差的61%;加入汤森得分和弃权率后,这一比例增至63%。

结论

保守党和工党投票率与死亡率的关联至少与标准贫困指数一样强烈。投票模式可能会提供物质贫困指标之外的信息。生活环境较好、健康状况较好、最不可能需要失业救济和免费学校膳食或在老年时依赖国家养老金、最有能力选择不使用国家补贴的交通、教育和国民医疗服务的人群,会投票给最有可能拆除福利国家的政党。

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