• 文献检索
  • 文档翻译
  • 深度研究
  • 学术资讯
  • Suppr Zotero 插件Zotero 插件
  • 邀请有礼
  • 套餐&价格
  • 历史记录
应用&插件
Suppr Zotero 插件Zotero 插件浏览器插件Mac 客户端Windows 客户端微信小程序
定价
高级版会员购买积分包购买API积分包
服务
文献检索文档翻译深度研究API 文档MCP 服务
关于我们
关于 Suppr公司介绍联系我们用户协议隐私条款
关注我们

Suppr 超能文献

核心技术专利:CN118964589B侵权必究
粤ICP备2023148730 号-1Suppr @ 2026

文献检索

告别复杂PubMed语法,用中文像聊天一样搜索,搜遍4000万医学文献。AI智能推荐,让科研检索更轻松。

立即免费搜索

文件翻译

保留排版,准确专业,支持PDF/Word/PPT等文件格式,支持 12+语言互译。

免费翻译文档

深度研究

AI帮你快速写综述,25分钟生成高质量综述,智能提取关键信息,辅助科研写作。

立即免费体验

An acoustic study of the tongue root contrast in Degema vowels.

作者信息

Fulop S A, Kari E, Ladefoged P

机构信息

Phonetics Laboratory, Department of Linguistics, University of California, Los Angeles, CA 90095-1543, USA.

出版信息

Phonetica. 1998;55(1-2):80-98. doi: 10.1159/000028425.

DOI:10.1159/000028425
PMID:9693345
Abstract

Degema is an Edoid language of Nigeria whose ten vowels are organized phonologically into two sets of five. The two sets are thought to be differentiated by the degree of tongue root advancing. This paper examines the acoustic nature of these vowels as represented in field recordings of six speakers. The most consistent acoustic correlate of the tongue root contrast was found to be the first formant frequency which consistently distinguishes four of the five vowel pairs, the exception being the two low vowels. Three of the five pairs could also be distinguished by F2, though the direction of the difference was not consistent. Additionally, a comparison of corresponding advanced and retracted vowels using a normalized measure of relative formant intensity demonstrated that this correlate could also distinguish them in general, but only operated reliably in two of the five vowel pairs. The pair of low vowels could not be distinguished from each other by any of these measures. Finally, a perceptual study was conducted which demonstrates that Degema speakers do not classify their vowels very well using formant frequencies as the sole acoustic variable; only the two pairs of mid vowels were reliably singled out by native listeners from an array of synthesized vowels.

摘要

相似文献

1
An acoustic study of the tongue root contrast in Degema vowels.
Phonetica. 1998;55(1-2):80-98. doi: 10.1159/000028425.
2
Articulation of extreme formant patterns for emphasized vowels.强调元音的极端共振峰模式的清晰度。
Phonetica. 2002 Apr-Sep;59(2-3):134-49. doi: 10.1159/000066067.
3
Acoustic analysis of vowel formant frequencies in genetically-related and non-genetically related speakers with implications for forensic speaker comparison.对具有遗传和非遗传关系的发音人元音共振峰频率的声学分析及其对法庭说话人比较的影响。
PLoS One. 2021 Feb 18;16(2):e0246645. doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0246645. eCollection 2021.
4
Acquisition of vowel articulation in childhood investigated by acoustic-to-articulatory inversion.通过声学-发音反演研究儿童元音发音的习得。
Infant Behav Dev. 2017 Feb;46:178-193. doi: 10.1016/j.infbeh.2017.01.007. Epub 2017 Feb 20.
5
Acoustic correlates of English and French nasalized vowels.英语和法语鼻化元音的声学关联
J Acoust Soc Am. 1997 Oct;102(4):2360-70. doi: 10.1121/1.419620.
6
Producing American English vowels during vocal tract growth: a perceptual categorization study of synthesized vowels.声道发育过程中产生美式英语元音:合成元音的感知分类研究
J Speech Lang Hear Res. 2009 Oct;52(5):1268-85. doi: 10.1044/1092-4388(2009/08-0008). Epub 2009 Aug 20.
7
A comparative study of human and parrot phonation: acoustic and articulatory correlates of vowels.人类与鹦鹉发声的比较研究:元音的声学和发音关联
J Acoust Soc Am. 1994 Aug;96(2 Pt 1):634-48. doi: 10.1121/1.410303.
8
Can intrinsic vowel Fo be explained by source/tract coupling?固有元音基频能否通过声源/声道耦合来解释?
J Acoust Soc Am. 1979 Aug;66(2):358-62. doi: 10.1121/1.383669.
9
Acoustic vowel reduction in Creek: effects of distinctive length and position in the word.克里克语中的元音弱化:区别性长度和在单词中位置的影响
Phonetica. 2001 Jan-Jun;58(1-2):81-102. doi: 10.1159/000028489.
10
An acoustic phonetic description of Nungon vowels.侬贡语元音的声学语音学描述。
J Acoust Soc Am. 2020 Apr;147(4):2891. doi: 10.1121/10.0001003.

引用本文的文献

1
Static measurements of vowel formant frequencies and bandwidths: A review.元音共振峰频率和带宽的静态测量:综述。
J Commun Disord. 2018 Jul-Aug;74:74-97. doi: 10.1016/j.jcomdis.2018.05.004. Epub 2018 Jun 1.