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人类的道德与性情。

Human morality and temperament.

作者信息

Kagan Jerome

机构信息

Harvard University, USA.

出版信息

Nebr Symp Motiv. 2005;51:1-32.

Abstract

This chapter has tried to make two points. First, the concept of morality refers to a developmental cascade of phenomena whose essential features are (a) inhibition of punished acts; (b) a representation of prohibited actions; (c) the emotions of uncertainty, empathy, shame, and guilt; (d) the semantic concepts of good and bad; (e) accepting the moral obligations of social categories; and (f) the concepts of fairness and the ideal. The inhibition of prohibited actions and the cognitive representation of prohibited behaviors, as well as the affect states that follow violations, appear by the end of the second year of life. The concepts of good and bad appear early in the third year, the experience of guilt and awareness of social categories by 4-6 years, and the notions of fairness, the ideal, and relational social categories during the school years. Second, some of the variation in the intensity and frequency of the moral emotions is attributable to the child's temperament. Eleven-year-old children who had been high-reactive infants and admitted to feelings of guilt when they violated a family standard were cortically and autonomically more aroused than the low reactives who reported equally frequent experiences of guilt. Further, high reactives who were perceived by their mothers as highly sensitive to punishment were biologically more aroused than high reactives perceived as less sensitive. Both universal developmental phenomena tied to brain maturation and temperamental variation associated with neurochemistry contribute to the complex phenomena that constitute the moral domain. The role of affect in promoting the adherence to standards remains controversial. Kant believed that people acted morally because acceptance of the categorical imperative required proper behavior-reason was the guardian of social harmony. Peirce and Dewey, by contrast, argued that anticipation of the emotions of anxiety, shame, and guilt motivated loyalty to the community's ethical standards. The fact that adults pay to watch a film that they know will generate a deep feeling of sadness--an emotion most do not seek or welcome in their daily lives--and will remark that they enjoyed the movie warrants an explanation. One possibility is that the experienced emotion affirms their moral values. The Australian film The Rabbit Proof Fence describes three aboriginal sisters who have been taken from their mother to a camp a thousand miles away to be socialized in Australian values. The three girls run away, and most of the film illustrates the hardships that they endure and their close escapes from the authorities who are pursuing them as they walk the thousand miles to reach their home. The audience's empathic sadness for the children affirms their moral belief that children should love their parents and miss their home. I suspect that those in the audience who felt the most intense sadness would praise the film with greater enthusiasm than those who had muted feelings. Because sadness is an emotion that few enjoy or try to attain, there must be another reason for deciding that the film was gratifying. The affirmation of one's moral beliefs could be that source of gratification. The tension between the importance of a rational and the importance of an affective basis for morality is seen in modern industrialized societies where the balance between the feeling of virtue that follows enhancing another and the pleasure that follows the enhancing of self has shifted toward favoring the latter state. Increasing numbers of Americans do not regard their gender, ethnicity, vocation, place of residence, or friendships or the religion of their parents as distinctive sources of virtue. As a result, they are freed from the moral obligations that were attached to these categories in the past and rely primarily on the anticipation of sensory delight and self-enhancement as guides for action and sources of reassurance that they are managing their lives correctly. Although it is likely that future scientists will synthesize a drug that blocks feelings of guilt without affecting the knowledge that an act is wrong, it is less certain that broad use of this drug would eliminate loyalty to the mutual obligations that make a society habitable. Nonetheless, a posture of vigilance is appropriate, for humans, unlike gorillas, can hold representations of envy, hostility, and anger, even toward those whom they have never met, for a very long time. Therefore, empathy and the anticipation of guilt or shame may restrain rudeness, dishonesty, and aggression when reason fails.

摘要

本章试图阐明两点。第一,道德概念指的是一系列发展现象,其基本特征包括:(a)对受罚行为的抑制;(b)对被禁止行为的表征;(c)不确定、共情、羞耻和内疚等情绪;(d)善恶的语义概念;(e)接受社会范畴的道德义务;(f)公平和理想的概念。对被禁止行为的抑制以及对被禁止行为的认知表征,还有违规后的情感状态,在生命的第二年结束时就会出现。善恶概念在第三年年初出现,4至6岁时出现内疚体验和社会范畴意识,而公平、理想和关系性社会范畴的概念则在上学期间出现。第二,道德情感强度和频率的一些差异可归因于儿童的气质。那些在婴儿期反应强烈、承认违反家庭标准时会感到内疚的11岁儿童,在皮质和自主神经系统方面比那些同样频繁有内疚体验但反应较低的儿童更易被唤醒。此外,被母亲认为对惩罚高度敏感的高反应性儿童,在生理上比被认为不太敏感的高反应性儿童更易被唤醒。与大脑成熟相关的普遍发展现象以及与神经化学相关的气质差异,都促成了构成道德领域的复杂现象。情感在促进对标准的遵守方面所起的作用仍存在争议。康德认为,人们道德行事是因为接受绝对命令需要恰当的行为——理性是社会和谐的守护者。相比之下,皮尔斯和杜威认为,对焦虑、羞耻和内疚情绪的预期激发了对社区道德标准的忠诚。成年人花钱去看一部他们知道会引发深深悲伤情绪的电影(这种情绪在他们日常生活中大多是不寻求也不欢迎的),而且还会说他们喜欢这部电影,这一事实需要作出解释。一种可能性是,所体验到的这种情绪肯定了他们的道德价值观。澳大利亚电影《防兔栅栏》讲述了三个原住民姐妹被从母亲身边带走,送到一千英里外的营地去接受澳大利亚价值观熏陶的故事。这三个女孩逃跑了,电影的大部分内容描绘了她们所遭受的艰辛,以及她们在步行一千英里回家途中多次险些被追捕她们的当局抓住的情景。观众对这些孩子产生的共情悲伤情绪,肯定了他们的道德信念,即孩子应该爱自己父母并思念家乡。我怀疑,观众中那些感受到最强烈悲伤情绪的人,会比那些感受不那么强烈的人更热情地赞扬这部电影。因为悲伤是一种很少有人喜欢或试图获得的情绪,所以必定有另一个原因让人觉得这部电影令人满意。对自己道德信念的肯定可能就是这种满足感的来源。在现代工业化社会中可以看到理性与道德情感基础重要性之间的紧张关系,在这种社会中,帮助他人后产生的美德感与自我提升后产生的愉悦感之间的平衡已转向更有利于后者的状态。越来越多的美国人不把他们的性别、种族、职业、居住地点、友谊或父母的宗教信仰视为独特的美德来源。结果,他们摆脱了过去附着于这些范畴的道德义务,主要依靠对感官愉悦和自我提升的预期作为行动指南以及确信自己生活管理正确的安慰来源。尽管未来科学家有可能合成一种药物,能阻断内疚感而不影响对行为错误的认知,但这种药物的广泛使用是否会消除对使社会宜居的相互义务的忠诚却不太确定。尽管如此,保持警惕的态度是合适的,因为人类与大猩猩不同,能够长时间持有对嫉妒、敌意和愤怒的表征,甚至是针对那些他们从未见过的人。因此,当理性不起作用时,共情以及对内疚或羞耻的预期可能会抑制粗鲁、不诚实和攻击性。

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