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通过线索测试许可:以俄语腭化齿冠音为例。

Testing licensing by cue: a case of Russian palatalized coronals.

作者信息

Kochetov Alexei

机构信息

Department of Linguistics, Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, B.C., V5A 1S6 Canada.

出版信息

Phonetica. 2006;63(2-3):113-48. doi: 10.1159/000095305. Epub 2006 Sep 29.

DOI:10.1159/000095305
PMID:17028459
Abstract

The hypothesis 'licensing by cue' by Steriade holds that phonological contrasts are maintained in environments that provide better acoustic cues to the contrasts and are neutralized in environments that provide poorer acoustic cues or no cues. This paper tests the hypothesis by examining the distribution of a phonological contrast--the Russian plain/palatalized coronal stops /t/ and /tj/ in various syllable-final contexts. The results of a series of acoustic and perceptual experiments presented in this paper provide some support for the hypothesis: the relative salience of releases in different word boundary contexts (_#k > _#n, _#s) correlates strongly with the general patterns of neutralization of the contrast in similar word-internal contexts (k > n, s) in Russian and other related languages. At the same time, the relative salience of VC transitions in different vowel contexts (a > u > i) has apparently little to do with attested patterns of neutralization. The results suggest that some perceptual cues are phonologically more relevant than others, providing evidence for interactions between phonetics and phonology more complex than predicted by the hypothesis.

摘要

斯特里亚德提出的“线索许可”假说认为,语音对立在能为这些对立提供更好声学线索的环境中得以保持,而在提供较差声学线索或无线索的环境中则会中和。本文通过考察一种语音对立——俄语中普通/腭化的舌尖塞音/t/和/tj/在各种音节末尾语境中的分布情况来检验这一假说。本文所呈现的一系列声学和感知实验结果为该假说提供了一些支持:不同词边界语境中除阻的相对显著度(_#k > _#n, _#s)与俄语及其他相关语言中类似词内语境(k > n, s)中该对立的一般中和模式密切相关。同时,不同元音语境中VC过渡的相对显著度(a > u > i)显然与已证实的中和模式关系不大。结果表明,某些感知线索在语音学上比其他线索更具相关性,这为语音学与音系学之间的相互作用提供了证据,这种相互作用比该假说所预测的更为复杂。

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