Testing licensing by cue: a case of Russian palatalized coronals.

The hypothesis 'licensing by cue' by Steriade holds that phonological contrasts are maintained in environments that provide better acoustic cues to the contrasts and are neutralized in environments that provide poorer acoustic cues or no cues. This paper tests the hypothesis by examining the distribution of a phonological contrast--the Russian plain/palatalized coronal stops /t/ and /tj/ in various syllable-final contexts. The results of a series of acoustic and perceptual experiments presented in this paper provide some support for the hypothesis: the relative salience of releases in different word boundary contexts (_#k > _#n, _#s) correlates strongly with the general patterns of neutralization of the contrast in similar word-internal contexts (k > n, s) in Russian and other related languages. At the same time, the relative salience of VC transitions in different vowel contexts (a > u > i) has apparently little to do with attested patterns of neutralization. The results suggest that some perceptual cues are phonologically more relevant than others, providing evidence for interactions between phonetics and phonology more complex than predicted by the hypothesis.