Marshall C R, van der Lely H K J
Centre for Developmental Language Disorders and Cognitive Neuroscience, Department of Human Communication Science, University College London, London, UK.
Clin Linguist Phon. 2007 Feb;21(2):71-91. doi: 10.1080/02699200600594491.
Although it is well-established that children with Specific Language Impairment characteristically optionally inflect forms that require tense and agreement marking, their abilities with regards to derivational suffixation are less well understood. In this paper we provide evidence from children with Grammatical-Specific Language Impairment (G-SLI) that derivational suffixes, unlike tense and agreement suffixes, are not omitted in elicitation tasks. We investigate two types of derivation - comparative/superlative formation and adjective-from-noun formation - and reveal that G-SLI children supply these suffixes at high rates, equivalent to their language matched peers. Moreover, increasing the phonological or morphological complexity of the stimulus does not trigger suffix omission, although it results in non-target forms that are not characteristic of typically developing children. We discuss what these results reveal about the nature of the deficit in G-SLI within the context of three hypotheses of SLI: the Extended Optional Infinitive, Implicit Rule and Computational Grammatical Complexity Hypotheses.
虽然已有充分证据表明，患有特定语言障碍的儿童通常会选择性地对需要时态和一致性标记的形式进行屈折变化，但他们在派生后缀方面的能力却鲜为人知。在本文中，我们提供了来自患有语法特定语言障碍（G-SLI）儿童的证据，表明在引出任务中，派生后缀与时态和一致性后缀不同，不会被省略。我们研究了两种派生类型——比较级/最高级的构成以及从名词派生形容词——并发现患有G-SLI的儿童大量使用这些后缀，与语言匹配的同龄人相当。此外，增加刺激的语音或形态复杂性不会引发后缀省略，尽管这会导致非典型发育儿童所没有的非目标形式。我们在SLI的三个假设背景下讨论这些结果揭示了G-SLI缺陷的本质：扩展不定式、隐性规则和计算语法复杂性假设。
