Dunlap Eloise, Johnson Bruce D
Eloise Dunlap is Project Director, Institute for Special Populations Research, National Development and Research Institutes. Dr. Dunlap is currently Principal Investigator of an ethnographic study that examines violence in drug abusing households. Bruce D. Johnson is Director, Institute for Special Populations Research, NDRI. Dr. Johnson is researching an ethnography of crack distributors/abusers, drug abuse patterns among arrestees and criminals, estimation of hard drug users and operatives, and an analysis of new drug detection technologies.
Drugs Soc (New York). 1998;14(1-2):127-149. doi: 10.1300/J023v14n01_11.
This article examines strategies for gaining the cooperation of drug sellers and their families in order to conduct ethnographic research. The strategies were developed during an eight year study of drug dealers in New York City. A key element in gaining the ability to talk with and observe drug dealers and their family members was the availability of funds to compensate respondents for interviews and other expenses associated with building and maintaining rapport. Access to more successful crack sellers and dealers rested upon the right contacts. The "right contact" is a critical element.Locating a trusted "go-between" was adapted from strategies employed by cocaine sellers to arrange transactions involving large quantities of drugs. Such transactions rely upon a trusted associate of a dealer, the "go-between," who performs various roles and assumes risks the dealer wishes to avoid. The role of the go-between became important when ethnographers attempted to reach drug dealers for research purposes.Favors and trust are central components in the equation of access to the dealer and his family. Favors are a part of drug dealers' interaction patterns: everyone owes someone else a favor. Such reciprocity norms exist independently of the amount of drugs involved and outlast any particular transaction. Reputations and favors are related. This framework of favors, trust, and reciprocity provides a basis for the ethnographer to gain an introduction to dealers and sellers. The "go-between" is critical because he/she explains the ethnographer's role to the dealer and helps arrange an initial meeting between the ethnographer and the seller. Once the go-between has provided an initial introduction, the ethnographer marshals the communication skills necessary to convince the dealer to allow further contact and conversations.This article examines the ritual of initial conversation within its cultural framework. Developing rapport requires showing respect and honesty. Since drug dealers' self-esteem and prestige is generally tied to their drug dealing activities, signs of respect are critical in obtaining repeated appointments and conversations. Issues such as levels of rejection and how to use apparent refusal to the ethnographer's advantage are discussed. Gaining access was broken into two components. One involved permission to engage dealers in in-depth interviews The next involved obtaining permission to directly observe the actual activities of selling. Both of these components were important elements in gaining access and permission to conduct research. Building and maintaining trust and rapport were related to issues of confidentiality and anonymity.Ill-fated ethnographic strategies, such as relying on street drug users for introductions, were important stepping stones to those strategies that did work. Such strategies revealed the level of interaction between dealer and user. They helped to uncover drug subculture behavior patterns and conduct norms and to tease out the relationship between the dealer and user. Such strategies also revealed hierarchical arrangements and the loyalty within such levels. Those near the top of dealer hierarchies generally are reluctant to introduce their boss (those above them in rank) because of fear of reprisals, a sense of responsibility to the individual boss, or/and a sense of loyalty to the organization. The strategies laid out were experienced in New York and may be adjusted to acquire access to hidden populations in other situations.
本文探讨了为开展人种志研究而争取毒贩及其家人合作的策略。这些策略是在对纽约市毒贩进行的为期八年的研究中形成的。能够与毒贩及其家庭成员交谈并进行观察的一个关键因素是有资金来补偿受访者的访谈费用以及与建立和维持融洽关系相关的其他费用。接触更成功的快克可卡因卖家和毒贩取决于合适的人脉。“合适的人脉”是一个关键因素。找到一个值得信赖的“中间人”借鉴了可卡因卖家为安排涉及大量毒品的交易而采用的策略。此类交易依赖于毒贩的一个值得信赖的同伙,即“中间人”,他承担着各种角色并承担着毒贩希望避免的风险。当人种志学者试图接触毒贩以进行研究时,中间人的角色就变得很重要。恩惠和信任是接触毒贩及其家人这一过程中的核心要素。恩惠是毒贩互动模式的一部分:每个人都欠别人一个人情。这种互惠规范独立于所涉毒品数量而存在,并且会持续超过任何特定交易。声誉和恩惠是相关的。这种恩惠、信任和互惠的框架为人种志学者获得与毒贩和卖家的引见提供了基础。“中间人”至关重要,因为他/她会向毒贩解释人种志学者的角色,并帮助安排人种志学者与卖家的初次会面。一旦中间人进行了初次引见,人种志学者就要运用必要的沟通技巧来说服毒贩允许进一步接触和交谈。本文在其文化框架内审视了初次交谈的惯例。建立融洽关系需要表现出尊重和诚实。由于毒贩的自尊和威望通常与他们的毒品交易活动相关联,尊重的表示对于获得再次预约和交谈至关重要。文中讨论了拒绝的程度以及如何将明显的拒绝转化为人种志学者的优势等问题。获得接触机会分为两个部分。一个是获得允许与毒贩进行深入访谈,另一个是获得直接观察实际销售活动的许可。这两个部分都是获得进行研究的接触机会和许可的重要因素。建立和维持信任与融洽关系与保密和匿名问题相关。不走运的人种志研究策略,比如依靠街头吸毒者来引见,是那些成功策略的重要垫脚石。此类策略揭示了毒贩与吸毒者之间的互动程度。它们有助于揭示毒品亚文化的行为模式和行为规范,并梳理出毒贩与吸毒者之间的关系。此类策略还揭示了等级安排以及这些层级内部的忠诚度。处于毒贩等级体系顶端附近的人通常不愿引见他们的上级(职级比他们高的人),原因是害怕报复、对个别上级的责任感或/以及对组织的忠诚度。所阐述的这些策略是在纽约实践过的,可能需要根据其他情况进行调整以接触到隐藏人群。