Stabile Mark, Allin Sara
Rotman School of Management, University of Toronto.
Future Child. 2012 Spring;22(1):65-96. doi: 10.1353/foc.2012.0008.
Childhood disabilities entail a range of immediate and long-term economic costs that have important implications for the well-being of the child, the family, and society but that are difficult to measure. In an extensive research review, Mark Stabile and Sara Allin examine evidence about three kinds of costs-direct, out-of-pocket costs incurred as a result of the child's disability; indirect costs incurred by the family as it decides how best to cope with the disability; and long-term costs associated with the child's future economic performance. Not surprisingly, the evidence points to high direct costs for families with children with disabilities, though estimates vary considerably within these families. Out-of-pocket expenditures, particularly those for medical costs, for example, are higher among families with children with a special health care need. An important indirect cost for these families involves decisions about employment. Stabile and Allin examine several studies that, taken together, show that having a child with disabilities increases the likelihood that the mother (and less often the father) will either curtail hours of work or stop working altogether. Researchers also find that having a child with disabilities can affect a mother's own health and put substantial strains on the parents' relationship. In the longer term, disabilities also compromise a child's schooling and capacity to get and keep gainful employment as an adult, according to the studies Stabile and Allin review. Negative effects on future well-being appear to be much greater, on average, for children with mental health problems than for those with physical disabilities. Stabile and Allin calculate that the direct costs to families, indirect costs through reduced family labor supply, direct costs to disabled children as they age into the labor force, and the costs of safety net programs for children with disabilities average $30,500 a year per family with a disabled child. They note that the cost estimates on which they base their calculation vary widely depending on the methodology, jurisdiction, and data used. Because their calculations do not include all costs, notably medical costs covered through health insurance, they represent a lower bound. On that basis, Stabile and Allin argue that many expensive interventions to prevent and reduce childhood disability might well be justified by a cost-benefit calculation.
儿童残疾会带来一系列直接和长期的经济成本,这些成本对儿童、家庭和社会的福祉有着重要影响,但却难以衡量。在一项广泛的研究综述中,马克·斯塔比尔和萨拉·阿林审视了有关三种成本的证据:直接成本,即因孩子残疾而产生的自付费用;家庭在决定如何最佳应对残疾问题时产生的间接成本;以及与孩子未来经济表现相关的长期成本。不出所料,证据表明残疾儿童家庭的直接成本很高,不过这些家庭中的成本估算差异很大。例如,有特殊医疗需求孩子的家庭,其自付支出,尤其是医疗费用支出更高。这些家庭的一项重要间接成本涉及就业决策。斯塔比尔和阿林审视了多项研究,综合来看,这些研究表明家里有残疾孩子会增加母亲(父亲的情况较少)减少工作时长或完全停止工作的可能性。研究人员还发现,家里有残疾孩子会影响母亲自身的健康,并给父母关系带来巨大压力。从长远来看,根据斯塔比尔和阿林所综述的研究,残疾也会影响孩子的学业以及成年后获得并保持有报酬工作的能力。平均而言,心理健康问题儿童对未来福祉的负面影响似乎比身体残疾儿童更大。斯塔比尔和阿林计算得出,残疾儿童家庭每年因家庭劳动力供应减少产生的间接成本、残疾儿童步入劳动力市场后的直接成本以及残疾儿童安全网项目的成本,平均每家为30,500美元。他们指出,他们计算所依据的成本估算因方法、司法管辖区和所用数据的不同而有很大差异。由于他们的计算未涵盖所有成本,尤其是通过医疗保险支付的医疗成本,所以这些估算只是下限。基于此,斯塔比尔和阿林认为,许多预防和减少儿童残疾的昂贵干预措施很可能通过成本效益计算证明是合理的。