Georgetown Law.
Milbank Q. 2023 Apr;101(S1):700-733. doi: 10.1111/1468-0009.12606.
Policy Points Since its founding, the Supreme Court has played a major role in defining the parameters of governments' public health powers and the scope of individual health-related rights. Although conservative courts have been less favorable to public health objectives, federal courts have, for the most part, advanced public health interests through consensus and adherence to the rule of law. In establishing the current six-three conservative supermajority, the Trump administration and the Senate shifted the Supreme Court dramatically. A majority of Justices, led by Chief Justice Roberts, did shift the Court in a decidedly conservative direction. It did so incrementally, guided by the Chief's intuition that the Institution itself should be preserved, mindful of maintaining public trust and appearing outside the political fray. That has all changed because Roberts' voice no longer holds sway. Five members of the Court have displayed a willingness to overturn even long-held precedent and dismantle public health policy in favor of the Justices' core ideological tenants-notably the extensive reach of the First and Second Amendments and a parsimonious view of executive and administrative action. Public health is vulnerable to judicial rulings in this new conservative era. This includes classic public health powers in infectious disease control as well as reproductive rights; lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, queer or questioning, and others (LGBTQ+) rights; firearm safety; immigration; and climate change. Congress has the power to curb the most extreme actions of the Court while still adhering to the vital ideal of a nonpolitical branch. That does not require Congress itself to overreach (such as by "packing" the Supreme Court, as Franklin Delaeno Roosevelt once proposed). Congress could, however, 1) disempower lower federal judges from issuing injunctions that apply nationwide, 2) limit the Supreme Court's so-called shadow docket, 3) alter the way that presidents appoint federal judges, and 4) set reasonable term limits for federal judges and Supreme Court Justices.
政策要点自成立以来,最高法院在界定政府公共卫生权力的范围以及个人健康相关权利的范围方面发挥了重要作用。尽管保守派法院对公共卫生目标不太有利,但联邦法院在大多数情况下通过共识和遵守法治来推进公共卫生利益。在建立当前的六三保守派超级多数时,特朗普政府和国会极大地改变了最高法院。以首席大法官罗伯茨为首的多数大法官确实将法院转向了一个明显保守的方向。它是逐步推进的,首席大法官的直觉是,该机构本身应该得到维护,要考虑到维护公众信任和避免陷入政治纷争。这一切都改变了,因为罗伯茨的声音不再占主导地位。法院的五名成员表现出愿意推翻甚至长期以来的先例,并废除公共卫生政策,以支持大法官的核心意识形态租户——特别是第一和第二修正案的广泛影响以及对行政和行政行动的吝啬看法。在这个新的保守主义时代,公共卫生容易受到司法裁决的影响。这包括传染病控制方面的经典公共卫生权力以及生殖权利;女同性恋、男同性恋、双性恋、跨性别、酷儿或质疑者和其他人(LGBTQ+)的权利;枪支安全;移民;和气候变化。国会有权遏制法院最极端的行动,同时仍然坚持非政治部门的重要理想。这并不要求国会本身越界(例如,如富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福曾经提议的那样“扩充”最高法院)。然而,国会可以:1)削弱下级联邦法官发布适用于全国的禁令的权力,2)限制最高法院所谓的影子案卷,3)改变总统任命联邦法官的方式,以及 4)为联邦法官和最高法院法官设定合理的任期限制。