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基于学校的减少校内纪律性开除的干预措施:一项系统综述

School-based interventions for reducing disciplinary school exclusion: a systematic review.

作者信息

Valdebenito Sara, Eisner Manuel, Farrington David P, Ttofi Maria M, Sutherland Alex

出版信息

Campbell Syst Rev. 2018 Jan 9;14(1):i-216. doi: 10.4073/csr.2018.1. eCollection 2018.

Abstract

UNLABELLED

This Campbell systematic review examines the impact of interventions to reduce exclusion from school. School exclusion, also known as suspension in some countries, is a disciplinary sanction imposed by a responsible school authority, in reaction to students' misbehaviour. Exclusion entails the removal of pupils from regular teaching for a period during which they are not allowed to be present in the classroom (in-school) or on school premises (out-of-school). In some extreme cases the student is not allowed to come back to the same school (expulsion). The review summarises findings from 37 reports covering nine different types of intervention. Most studies were from the USA, and the remainder from the UK. Included studies evaluated school-based interventions or school-supported interventions to reduce the rates of exclusion. Interventions were implemented in mainstream schools and targeted school-aged children from four to 18, irrespective of nationality or social background. Only randomised controlled trials are included. The evidence base covers 37 studies. Thirty-three studies were from the USA, three from the UK, and for one study the country was not clear. School-based interventions cause a small and significant drop in exclusion rates during the first six months after intervention (on average), but this effect is not sustained. Interventions seemed to be more effective at reducing some types of exclusion such as expulsion and in-school exclusion. Four intervention types - enhancement of academic skills, counselling, mentoring/monitoring, and skills training for teachers - had significant desirable effects on exclusion. However, the number of studies in each case is low, so this result needs to be treated with caution. There is no impact of the interventions on antisocial behaviour. Variations in effect sizes are not explained by participants' characteristics, the theoretical basis of the interventions, or the quality of the intervention. Independent evaluator teams reported lower effect sizes than research teams who were also involved in the design and/or delivery of the intervention.

PLAIN LANGUAGE SUMMARY

Some interventions - enhancement of academic skills, counselling, mentoring/monitoring, and skills training for teachers - appear to have significant effects on exclusion. Interventions to reduce school exclusion are intended to mitigate the adverse effects of this school sanction. Some approaches, namely those involving enhancement of academic skills, counselling, mentoring/monitoring and those targeting skills training for teachers, have a temporary effect in reducing exclusion. More evaluations are needed to identify the most effective types of intervention; and whether similar effects are also found in different countries. School exclusion is associated with undesirable effects on developmental outcomes. It increases the likelihood of poor academic performance, antisocial behavior, and poor employment prospects. This school sanction disproportionally affects males, ethnic minorities, those who come from disadvantaged economic backgrounds, and those with special educational needs.This review assesses the effectiveness of programmes to reduce the prevalence of exclusion. Included studies evaluated school-based interventions or school-supported interventions to reduce the rates of exclusion. Interventions were implemented in mainstream schools and targeted school-aged children from four to 18, irrespective of nationality or social background. Only randomised controlled trials are included.The evidence base covers 37 studies. Thirty-three studies were from the USA, three from the UK, and for one study the country was not clear.School-based interventions cause a small and significant drop in exclusion rates during the first six months after intervention (on average), but this effect is not sustained. Interventions seemed to be more effective at reducing some types of exclusion such as expulsion and in-school exclusion.Four intervention types - enhancement of academic skills, counselling, mentoring/ monitoring, and skills training for teachers - had significant desirable effects on exclusion. However, the number of studies in each case is low, so this result needs to be treated with caution.There is no impact of the interventions on antisocial behaviour.Variations in effect sizes are not explained by participants' characteristics, the theoretical basis of the interventions, or the quality of the intervention. Independent evaluator teams reported lower effect sizes than research teams who were also involved in the design and/or delivery of the intervention. School-based interventions are effective at reducing school exclusion immediately after, and for a few months after, the intervention (6 months on average). Four interventions presented promising and significant results in reducing exclusion, that is, enhancement of academic skills, counselling, mentoring/monitoring, skills training for teachers. However, since the number of studies for each sub-type of intervention was low, we suggest these results should be treated with caution.Most of the studies come from the USA. Evaluations are needed from other countries in which exclusion is common. Further research should take advantage of the possibility of conducting cluster-randomised controlled trials, whilst ensuring that the sample size is sufficiently large. The review authors searched for studies published up to December 2015. This Campbell systematic review was published in January 2018.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY/ABSTRACT: Schools are important institutions of formal social control (Maimon, Antonaccio, & French, 2012). They are, apart from families, the primary social system in which individuals are socialised to follow specific codes of conduct. Violating these codes of conduct may result in some form of punishment. School punishment is normally accepted by families and students as a consequence of transgression, and in that sense school isoften the place where children are first introduced to discipline, justice, or injustice (Whitford & Levine-Donnerstein, 2014).A wide range of punishments may be used in schools, from verbal reprimands to more serious actions such as detention, fixed term exclusion or even permanent exclusion from the mainstream education system. It must be said that in some way, these school sanctions resemble the penal system and its array of alternatives to punish those that break the law.School exclusion, also known as suspension in some countries, is defined as a disciplinary sanction imposed by a responsible school authority, in reaction to students' misbehaviour. Exclusion entails the removal of pupils from regular teaching for a period during which they are not allowed to be present in the classroom or, in more serious cases, on school premises. Most of the available research has found that exclusion correlates with subsequent negative sequels on developmental outcomes. Exclusion or suspension of students is associated with failure within the academic curriculum, aggravated antisocial behaviour, and an increased likelihood of involvement with punitive social control institutions (i.e., the Juvenile Justice System). In the long-term, opportunities for training and employment seem to be considerably reduced for those who have repeatedly been excluded. In addition to these negative correlated outcomes, previous evidence suggest that the exclusion of students involves a high economic cost for taxpayers and society.Research from the last 20 years has concluded quite consistently that this disciplinary measure disproportionally targets males, ethnic minorities, those who come from disadvantaged economic backgrounds, and those presenting special educational needs. In other words, suspension affects the most vulnerable children in schools.Different programmes have attempted to reduce the prevalence of exclusion. Although some of them have shown promising results, so far, no comprehensive systematic review has examined these programmes' overall effectiveness. The main goal of the present research is to systematically examine the available evidence for the effectiveness of different types of school-based interventions aimed at reducing disciplinary school exclusion. Secondary goals include comparing different approaches and identifying those that could potentially demonstrate larger and more significant effects.The research questions underlying this project are as follows: Do school-based programmes reduce the use of exclusionary sanctions in schools?Are some school-based approaches more effective than others in reducing exclusionary sanctions?Do participants' characteristics (e.g., age, gender, ethnicity) affect the impact of school-based programmes on exclusionary sanctions in schools?Do characteristics of the interventions, implementation, and methodology affect the impact of school-based programmes on exclusionary sanctions in schools? The authors conducted a comprehensive search to locate relevant studies reporting on the impact of school-based interventions on exclusion from 1980 onwards. Twenty-seven different databases were consulted, including databases that contained both published and unpublished literature. In addition, we contacted researchers in the field of school-exclusion for further recommendations of relevant studies; we also assessed citation lists from previous systematic and narrative reviews and research reports. Searches were conducted from September 1 to December 1, 2015. The inclusion and exclusion criteria for manuscripts were defined before we started our searches. To be eligible, studies needed to have: evaluated school-based interventions or school-supported interventions intended to reduce the rates of suspension; seen the interventions as an alternative to exclusion; targeted school-aged children from four to 18 in mainstream schools irrespective of nationality or social background; and reported results of interventions delivered from 1980 onwards. In terms of methodological design, we included randomised controlled trialsonly, with at least one experimental group and onecontrol or placebo group. Initial searches produced a total of 42,749 references from 27 different electronic databases. After screening the title, abstract and key words, we kept 1,474 relevant hits. 22 additional manuscripts were identified through other sources (e.g., assessment of citation lists, contribution of authors). After removing duplicates, we ended up with a total of 517 manuscripts. Two independent coders evaluated each report, to determine inclusion or exclusion.The second round of evaluation excluded 472 papers, with eight papers awaiting classification, and 37 studies kept for inclusion in meta-analysis. Two independent evaluators assessed all the included manuscripts for risk of quality bias by using EPOC tool.Due to the broad scope of our targeted programmes, meta-analysis was conducted under a random-effect model. We report the impact of the intervention using standardised differences of means, 95% confidence intervals along with the respective forest plots. Sub-group analysis and meta-regression were used for examining the impact of the programme. Funnel plots and Duval and Tweedie's trim-and-fill analysis were used to explore the effect of publication bias. Based on our findings, interventions settled in school can produce a small and significant drop in exclusion rates (SMD=.30; .20 to .41; <.001). This means that those participating in interventions are less likely to be suspended than those allocated to control/placebo groups. These results are based on measures of impact collected immediately during the first six months after treatment (on average). When the impact was tested in the long-term (i.e., 12 or more months after treatment), the effects of the interventions were not sustained. In fact, there was a substantive reduction in the impact of school-based programmes (SMD=.15; 95%CI -.06 to .35), and it was no longer statistically significant.We ran analysis testing the impact of school-based interventions on different types of exclusion. Evidence suggests that interventions are more effective at reducing expulsion and in-school exclusion than out-of-school exclusion. In fact, the impact of intervention in out-of-school exclusion was close to zero and not statistically significant.Nine different types of school-based interventions were identified across the 37 studies included in the review. Four of them presented favourable and significant results in reducing exclusion (i.e., enhancement of academic skills, counselling, mentoring/monitoring, skills training for teachers). Since the number of studies for each sub-type of intervention was low, we suggest that results should be treated with caution.A priori defined moderators (i.e., participants' characteristics, the theoretical basis of the interventions, and quality of the intervention)showed not to be effective at explaining the heterogeneity present in our results. Among three post-hoc moderators, the role of the evaluator was found to be significant: independent evaluator teams reported lower effect sizes than research teams who were also involved in the design and/or delivery of the intervention.Two researchers independently evaluated the quality of the evidence involved in this review by using the EPOC tool. Most of the studies did not present enough information for the judgement of quality bias. The evidence suggests that school-based interventions are effective at reducing school exclusion immediately after, and for a few months after, the intervention. Some specific types of interventions show more promising and stable results than others, namely those involving mentoring/monitoring and those targeting skills training for teachers. However, based on the number of studies involved in our calculations, we suggest that results must be cautiously interpreted. Implications for policy and practice arising from our results are discussed.

摘要

未加标注

本坎贝尔系统评价考察了减少学校排斥干预措施的影响。学校排斥,在一些国家也称为停学,是学校主管部门针对学生的不当行为实施的一种纪律处分。排斥意味着学生在一段时间内被排除在常规教学之外,在此期间他们不得进入教室(校内)或校园(校外)。在某些极端情况下,学生不被允许回到同一所学校(开除)。该评价总结了涵盖九种不同类型干预措施的37份报告中的研究结果。大多数研究来自美国,其余来自英国。纳入的研究评估了以学校为基础的干预措施或学校支持的干预措施,以降低排斥率。干预措施在主流学校实施,目标是4至18岁的学龄儿童,不论其国籍或社会背景。仅纳入随机对照试验。证据基础涵盖37项研究。33项研究来自美国,3项来自英国,1项研究的国家不明确。以学校为基础的干预措施在干预后的前六个月(平均)会使排斥率有小幅但显著的下降,但这种效果并未持续。干预措施在减少某些类型的排斥方面似乎更有效,如开除和校内排斥。四种干预类型——提高学术技能、咨询、辅导/监督以及教师技能培训——对排斥有显著的积极影响。然而,每种情况下的研究数量都很少,因此这一结果需要谨慎对待。干预措施对反社会行为没有影响。效应大小的差异无法通过参与者的特征、干预措施的理论基础或干预措施的质量来解释。独立评估团队报告的效应大小低于同时参与干预措施设计和/或实施的研究团队。

通俗易懂的总结

一些干预措施——提高学术技能、咨询、辅导/监督以及教师技能培训——似乎对排斥有显著影响。减少学校排斥的干预措施旨在减轻这种学校处分的不利影响。一些方法,即那些涉及提高学术技能、咨询、辅导/监督以及针对教师技能培训的方法,在减少排斥方面有暂时的效果。需要更多的评估来确定最有效的干预类型;以及在不同国家是否也能发现类似的效果。学校排斥与对发展结果的不良影响有关。它增加了学业成绩差、反社会行为和就业前景不佳的可能性。这种学校处分对男性、少数族裔、来自经济弱势背景的人和有特殊教育需求的人影响尤为严重。本评价评估了旨在降低排斥发生率的项目的有效性。纳入的研究评估了以学校为基础的干预措施或学校支持的干预措施,以降低排斥率。干预措施在主流学校实施,目标是4至18岁的学龄儿童,不论其国籍或社会背景。仅纳入随机对照试验。证据基础涵盖37项研究。33项研究来自美国,3项来自英国,1项研究的国家不明确。以学校为基础的干预措施在干预后的前六个月(平均)会使排斥率有小幅但显著的下降,但这种效果并未持续。干预措施在减少某些类型的排斥方面似乎更有效,如开除和校内排斥。四种干预类型——提高学术技能、咨询、辅导/监督以及教师技能培训——对排斥有显著的积极影响。然而,每种情况下的研究数量都很少,因此这一结果需要谨慎对待。干预措施对反社会行为没有影响。效应大小的差异无法通过参与者的特征、干预措施的理论基础或干预措施的质量来解释。独立评估团队报告的效应大小低于同时参与干预措施设计和/或实施的研究团队。以学校为基础的干预措施在干预后立即以及干预后的几个月(平均6个月)内有效减少学校排斥。四种干预措施在减少排斥方面呈现出有前景且显著的结果,即提高学术技能、咨询、辅导/监督、教师技能培训。然而,由于每种干预子类型的研究数量较少,我们建议应谨慎对待这些结果。大多数研究来自美国。在其他普遍存在排斥现象的国家也需要进行评估。进一步的研究应利用进行整群随机对照试验的可能性,同时确保样本量足够大。评价作者检索了截至2015年12月发表的研究。本坎贝尔系统评价于2018年1月发表。

执行摘要/摘要:学校是正式社会控制的重要机构(迈蒙、安东纳乔和弗伦奇,2012年)。除家庭外,学校是个人接受社会化以遵循特定行为准则的主要社会系统。违反这些行为准则可能会导致某种形式的惩罚。学校惩罚通常被家庭和学生视为违规的后果,从这个意义上说,学校往往是孩子们首次接触纪律、正义或不正义的地方(惠特福德和莱文 - 唐纳斯坦,2014年)。学校可能会使用多种惩罚措施,从口头斥责到更严厉的行动,如留校察看、定期排斥甚至永久被排除在主流教育系统之外。必须指出的是,在某种程度上,这些学校处分类似于刑罚系统及其一系列惩罚违法者的替代措施。学校排斥在一些国家也称为停学,被定义为学校主管部门针对学生的不当行为实施的一种纪律处分。排斥意味着学生在一段时间内被排除在常规教学之外,在此期间他们不得进入教室,在更严重的情况下,不得进入校园。大多数现有研究发现,排斥与随后发展结果的负面后果相关。学生被排斥或停学与学术课程中的失败、加剧的反社会行为以及卷入惩罚性社会控制机构(即少年司法系统)的可能性增加有关。从长远来看,那些多次被排斥的人的培训和就业机会似乎会大幅减少。除了这些负面相关结果外,先前的证据表明,学生被排斥给纳税人和社会带来了高昂的经济成本。过去20年的研究相当一致地得出结论,这种纪律措施不成比例地针对男性、少数族裔、来自经济弱势背景的人以及有特殊教育需求的人。换句话说,停学影响了学校中最脆弱的儿童。不同的项目试图降低排斥的发生率。尽管其中一些项目显示出了有前景的结果,但到目前为止,还没有全面的系统评价来考察这些项目的整体有效性。本研究的主要目标是系统地审查旨在减少学校纪律性排斥的不同类型以学校为基础的干预措施有效性的现有证据。次要目标包括比较不同的方法,并确定那些可能显示出更大、更显著效果的方法。本项目所依据的研究问题如下:以学校为基础的项目是否会减少学校中排斥性制裁的使用?在减少排斥性制裁方面,一些以学校为基础的方法是否比其他方法更有效?参与者的特征(如年龄、性别、种族)是否会影响以学校为基础的项目对学校排斥性制裁的影响?干预措施、实施和方法的特征是否会影响以学校为基础的项目对学校排斥性制裁的影响?作者进行了全面的搜索,以查找自1980年以来报告以学校为基础的干预措施对排斥影响的相关研究。查阅了27个不同的数据库,包括包含已发表和未发表文献的数据库。此外,我们联系了学校排斥领域的研究人员,以获取相关研究的进一步推荐;我们还评估了先前系统评价、叙述性综述和研究报告的参考文献列表。搜索于2015年9月1日至12月1日进行。在开始搜索之前,确定了手稿的纳入和排除标准。为符合条件,研究需要:评估旨在降低停学率的以学校为基础的干预措施或学校支持的干预措施;将干预措施视为排斥的替代方案;针对主流学校中4至18岁的学龄儿童,不论其国籍或社会背景;并报告1980年以后实施干预措施的结果。在方法设计方面,我们仅纳入随机对照试验,至少有一个实验组和一个对照组或安慰剂组。初步搜索从27个不同的电子数据库中总共获得了42,749条参考文献。在筛选标题、摘要和关键词后,我们保留了1,474条相关记录。通过其他来源(如参考文献列表评估、作者贡献)又确定了22篇手稿。去除重复项后,我们最终得到了总共517篇手稿。两名独立编码员对每份报告进行评估,以确定其纳入或排除。第二轮评估排除了472篇论文,有8篇论文等待分类,37项研究被保留用于纳入荟萃分析。两名独立评估员使用EPOC工具评估所有纳入手稿的质量偏倚风险。由于我们目标项目的范围广泛,荟萃分析在随机效应模型下进行。我们使用均值的标准化差异、95%置信区间以及相应的森林图报告干预措施的影响。亚组分析和荟萃回归用于检验项目的影响。漏斗图以及杜瓦尔和特威迪的修剪和填充分析用于探索发表偏倚的影响。根据我们的研究结果,在学校实施的干预措施可以使排斥率有小幅但显著的下降(标准化均值差异 = 0.30;95%置信区间0.20至0.41;P < 0.001)。这意味着参与干预措施的人比分配到对照组/安慰剂组的人被停学的可能性更小。这些结果基于治疗后前六个月(平均)立即收集的影响测量数据。当在长期(即治疗后12个月或更长时间)测试影响时,干预措施的效果并未持续。事实上,以学校为基础的项目的影响有实质性下降(标准化均值差异 = 0.15;95%置信区间 - 0.06至0.35),且不再具有统计学意义。我们进行了分析,测试以学校为基础的干预措施对不同类型排斥的影响。证据表明,干预措施在减少开除和校内排斥方面比校外排斥更有效。事实上,干预措施对校外排斥影响接近于零,且无统计学意义。在纳入评价的37项研究中,确定了九种不同类型的以学校为基础的干预措施。其中四种在减少排斥方面呈现出有利且显著的结果(即提高学术技能、咨询、辅导/监督、教师技能培训)。由于每种干预子类型的研究数量较少,我们建议应谨慎对待这些结果。预先定义的调节因素(即参与者的特征、干预措施的理论基础和干预措施的质量)在解释我们结果中存在的异质性方面并不有效。在三个事后调节因素中,发现评估者的作用具有显著性:独立评估团队报告的效应大小低于同时参与干预措施设计和/或实施的研究团队。两名研究人员使用EPOC工具独立评估了本评价中所涉及证据的质量。大多数研究没有提供足够的信息来判断质量偏倚。证据表明,以学校为基础的干预措施在干预后立即以及干预后的几个月内有效减少学校排斥。一些特定类型的干预措施比其他措施显示出更有前景且更稳定的结果,即那些涉及辅导/监督和针对教师技能培训的措施。然而,基于我们计算中所涉及的研究数量,我们建议必须谨慎解释结果。讨论了我们的研究结果对政策和实践所产生的影响。

https://cdn.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/blobs/6570/8533648/88df9a76fecf/CL2-14--g006.jpg

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