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儿童吃苹果:汉语动宾句中论元结构的加工。

The child the apple eats: processing of argument structure in Mandarin verb-final sentences.

机构信息

Key Laboratory for Biomedical Engineering of Ministry of Education, College of Biomedical Engineering and Instrument Sciences, Zhejiang University, Hangzhou, 310027, China.

Integrated Program in Neuroscience, McGill University, Room 302 Irving Ludmer Building, 1033 Pine Avenue West, Montreal, QC, H3A 1A1, Canada.

出版信息

Sci Rep. 2024 Sep 3;14(1):20459. doi: 10.1038/s41598-024-70318-5.

Abstract

Mandarin Chinese is typologically unusual among the world's languages in having flexible word order despite a near absence of inflectional morphology. These features of Mandarin challenge conventional linguistic notions such as subject and object and the divide between syntax and semantics. In the present study, we tested monolingual processing of argument structure in Mandarin verb-final sentences, where word order alone is not a reliable cue. We collected participants' responses to a forced agent-assignment task while measuring their electroencephalography data to capture real-time processing throughout each sentence. We found that sentence interpretation was not informed by word order in the absence of other cues, and while the coverbs BA and BEI were strong signals for agent selection, comprehension was a result of multiple cues. These results challenge previous reports of a linear ranking of cue strength. Event-related potentials showed that BA and BEI impacted participants' processing even before the verb was read and that role reversal anomalies elicited an N400 effect without a subsequent semantic P600. This study demonstrates that Mandarin sentence comprehension requires online interaction among cues in a language-specific manner, consistent with models that predict crosslinguistic differences in core sentence processing mechanisms.

摘要

汉语普通话在世界语言中具有独特的类型学特征,尽管几乎没有屈折形态,但词序灵活。这些汉语普通话的特点挑战了传统语言学中的概念,如主语和宾语,以及句法和语义之间的区别。在本研究中,我们测试了汉语动宾结构句子中单一语言成分的处理,在这种句子中,词序本身并不是一个可靠的线索。我们在参与者阅读每个句子的同时,通过测量他们的脑电图数据来收集他们对强制分配任务的反应,以捕捉实时处理过程。我们发现,在缺乏其他线索的情况下,句子的解释不受词序的影响,虽然助词“把”和“被”是选择主语的有力信号,但理解是多种线索共同作用的结果。这些结果挑战了之前关于线索强度线性排序的报告。事件相关电位显示,BA 和 BEI 甚至在动词被读出之前就影响了参与者的处理,角色反转异常引发了 N400 效应,而没有后续的语义 P600。这项研究表明,汉语句子理解需要以语言特有的方式在线互动,这与预测核心句子处理机制的跨语言差异的模型一致。

https://cdn.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/blobs/0ef0/11372106/772f6cffd291/41598_2024_70318_Fig1_HTML.jpg

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