Hemforth B, Konieczny L, Seelig H, Walter M
Center for Cognitive Science, Freiburg University, Germany.
J Psycholinguist Res. 2000 Jan;29(1):81-8. doi: 10.1023/a:1005176507878.
Two accounts of relative clause attachment will be discussed, the case-matching hypothesis proposed by Sauerland and Gibson (1998) and the attachment-binding dualism (Hemforth et al., in press a, b). While the case-matching hypothesis predicts that relative clauses are preferentially attached to NPs whose case matches that of the relative pronoun, attachment binding predicts that NPs are preferentially attached to the most salient host, that is NP1 in constructions with two NPs. We conducted two off-line studies, one sentence completion task and one magnitude estimation experiment using subject (nominative pronoun) and object (accusative pronoun) relative clauses that can be attached to either of the two nouns in a complex subject (NP1 = nominative, NP2 = genitive) or object NP (NP1 = accusative, NP2 = genitive). While attachment binding predicts an across-the-board NP1 preference, the case-matching hypothesis predicts an NP1 prefence only in the case of subject (object) NPs followed by subject (object) relative clauses. The results of both experiments provide evidence for attachment binding and against case matching.
我们将讨论两种关于关系从句附加的观点，即绍尔兰和吉布森（1998）提出的格匹配假设以及附加-约束二元论（亨姆福思等人，即将发表a、b）。虽然格匹配假设预测关系从句优先附加到其格与关系代词的格相匹配的名词短语上，但附加-约束理论预测名词短语优先附加到最显著的宿主上，即在有两个名词短语的结构中为NP1。我们进行了两项离线研究，一项是句子完成任务，另一项是量级估计实验，使用的主语（主格代词）和宾语（宾格代词）关系从句可以附加到复合主语（NP1 = 主格，NP2 = 属格）或宾语名词短语（NP1 = 宾格，NP2 = 属格）中的两个名词中的任何一个上。虽然附加-约束理论预测普遍存在NP1偏好，但格匹配假设仅预测在主语（宾语）名词短语后跟主语（宾语）关系从句的情况下存在NP1偏好。两项实验的结果都为附加-约束理论提供了证据，而反对格匹配。
