Centro de Investigación de Enfermedades Tropicales, Universidad Autónoma de Guerrero, Calle Pino, El Roble, Acapulco, Mexico.
BMC Health Serv Res. 2011 Dec 21;11 Suppl 2(Suppl 2):S1. doi: 10.1186/1472-6963-11-S2-S1.
Health planners and managers make decisions based on their appreciation of causality. Social audits question the assumptions behind this and try to improve quality of available evidence. The method has its origin in the follow-up of Bhopal survivors in the 1980s, where "cluster cohorts" tracked health events over time. In social audit, a representative panel of sentinel sites are the framework to follow the impact of health programmes or reforms. The epidemiological backbone of social audit tackles causality in a calculated way, balancing computational aspects with appreciation of the limits of the science.Social audits share findings with planners at policy level, health services providers, and users in the household, where final decisions about use of public services rest. Sharing survey results with sample communities and service workers generates a second order of results through structured discussions. Aggregation of these evidence-based community-led solutions across a representative sample provides a rich substrate for decisions. This socialising of evidence for participatory action (SEPA) involves a different skill set but quality control and rigour are still important.Early social audits addressed settings without accepted sample frames, the fundamentals of reproducible questionnaires, and the logistics of data turnaround. Feedback of results to stakeholders was at CIET insistence--and at CIET expense. Later social audits included strong SEPA components. Recent and current social audits are institutionalising high level research methods in planning, incorporating randomisation and experimental designs in a rigorous approach to causality.The 25 years have provided a number of lessons. Social audit reduces the arbitrariness of planning decisions, and reduces the wastage of simply allocating resources the way they were in past years. But too much evidence easily exceeds the uptake capacity of decision takers. Political will of governments often did not match those of donors with interest conditioned by political cycles. Some reforms have a longer turnaround than the political cycle; short turnaround interventions can develop momentum. Experience and specialisation made social audit seem more simple than it is. The core of social audit, its mystique, is not easily taught or transferred. Yet teams in Mexico, Nicaragua, Canada, southern Africa, and Pakistan all have more than a decade of experience in social audit, their in-service training supported by a customised Masters programme.
卫生规划者和管理者根据他们对因果关系的理解做出决策。社会审计质疑这种假设,并试图提高现有证据的质量。该方法起源于 20 世纪 80 年代对博帕尔幸存者的后续调查,当时“聚类队列”跟踪了随时间推移的健康事件。在社会审计中,一个代表性的哨点小组代表了跟踪卫生规划或改革影响的框架。社会审计以一种经过计算的方式处理因果关系,在计算方面和对科学局限性的认识之间取得平衡。社会审计与政策层面的规划者、卫生服务提供者以及家庭中的使用者分享发现,最终决定公共服务的使用。与样本社区和服务人员分享调查结果,通过结构化讨论产生第二级结果。在代表性样本中汇总这些基于证据的社区主导解决方案,为决策提供了丰富的基础。这种参与式行动的证据社会化(SEPA)涉及不同的技能,但质量控制和严谨性仍然很重要。早期的社会审计涉及没有公认抽样框架的环境、可重复问卷的基本原理以及数据周转的后勤工作。在 CIET 的坚持下,向利益相关者反馈结果——而且要付出 CIET 的代价。后来的社会审计包括了强有力的 SEPA 内容。最近和当前的社会审计正在将高水平的研究方法纳入规划中,在因果关系方面采用随机化和实验设计的严格方法。这 25 年来提供了一些经验教训。社会审计减少了规划决策的任意性,减少了简单地按照过去几年的方式分配资源的浪费。但是,太多的证据很容易超过决策者的接受能力。政府的政治意愿往往与那些有条件的利益相关者的政治周期不符。一些改革的周转时间比政治周期长;短期周转干预可以发展势头。经验和专业化使社会审计看起来比实际简单。社会审计的核心,其神秘性,不容易传授或转移。然而,来自墨西哥、尼加拉瓜、加拿大、南部非洲和巴基斯坦的团队都有超过十年的社会审计经验,他们的在职培训得到了一个定制硕士课程的支持。