Levy Roger P, Keller Frank
Department of Linguistics, UC San Diego, 9500 Gilman Drive #0108, La Jolla, CA 92093-0108, USA, phone: +1 (858) 534-7219, fax: +1 (858) 534-4789.
School of Informatics, University of Edinburgh, 10 Crichton Street, Edinburgh EH8 9AB, UK, phone: +44 131 650 4407, fax: +44 131 650 6626.
J Mem Lang. 2013 Feb 1;68(2):199-222. doi: 10.1016/j.jml.2012.02.005.
Probabilistic expectations and memory limitations are central factors governing the real-time comprehension of natural language, but how the two factors interact remains poorly understood. One respect in which the two factors have come into theoretical conflict is the documentation of both effects, in which more dependents preceding a governing verb increase processing difficulty at the verb, and effects, in which more preceding dependents facilitate processing at the verb. However, no controlled study has previously demonstrated both locality and anti-locality effects in the same type of dependency relation within the same language. Additionally, many previous demonstrations of anti-locality effects have been potentially confounded with lexical identity, plausibility, and sentence position. Here, we provide new evidence of both locality and anti-locality effects in the same type of dependency relation in a single language-verb-final constructions in German-while controlling for lexical identity, plausibility, and sentence position. In main clauses, we find clear anti-locality effects, with the presence of a preceding dative argument facilitating processing at the final verb; in subject-extracted relative clauses with identical linear ordering of verbal dependents, we find both anti-locality and locality effects, with processing facilitated when the verb is preceded by a dative argument alone, but hindered when the verb is preceded by both the dative argument and an adjunct. These results indicate that both expectations and memory limitations need to be accounted for in any complete theory of online syntactic comprehension.
概率期望和记忆限制是影响自然语言实时理解的核心因素,但这两个因素如何相互作用仍鲜为人知。这两个因素在理论上产生冲突的一个方面在于对两种效应的记录,一种效应是,支配动词之前的从属成分越多,动词处的加工难度就越大;另一种效应是,之前的从属成分越多,动词处的加工就越容易。然而,此前尚无对照研究在同一种语言中的同一类依存关系中同时证明局部性效应和反局部性效应。此外,之前许多关于反局部性效应的证明可能与词汇同一性、合理性和句子位置混淆。在此,我们在单一语言(德语的动词后置结构)中的同一类依存关系中,在控制词汇同一性、合理性和句子位置的同时,提供了局部性效应和反局部性效应的新证据。在主句中,我们发现了明显的反局部性效应,即存在一个在前的与格论元会促进句末动词的加工;在动词从属成分线性顺序相同的主语提取关系从句中,我们发现了反局部性效应和局部性效应,当动词前仅存在一个与格论元时加工得到促进,但当动词前同时存在与格论元和一个附加语时加工受到阻碍。这些结果表明,在任何完整的在线句法理解理论中,期望和记忆限制都需要被考虑在内。