量词在语境中是逐步被解释的，多比少更甚。
Quantifiers are incrementally interpreted in context, more than less.
作者信息
Urbach Thomas P, DeLong Katherine A, Kutas Marta
机构信息
Department of Cognitive Science, University of California, San Diego.
Department of Cognitive Science, University of California, San Diego ; Department of Neurosciences, University of California, San Diego.
出版信息
J Mem Lang. 2015 Aug 1;83:79-96. doi: 10.1016/j.jml.2015.03.010.
Language interpretation is often assumed to be incremental. However, our studies of quantifier expressions in isolated sentences found N400 event-related brain potential (ERP) evidence for partial but not full immediate quantifier interpretation (Urbach & Kutas, 2010). Here we tested similar quantifier expressions in pragmatically supporting discourse contexts (//) while participants made plausibility judgments (Experiment 1) or read for comprehension (Experiment 2). Control Experiments 3A (plausibility) and 3B (comprehension) removed the discourse contexts. Quantifiers always modulated typical and/or atypical word N400 amplitudes. However, only the real-time N400 effects only in Experiment 2 mirrored offline quantifier and typicality crossover interaction effects for plausibility ratings and cloze probabilities. We conclude that quantifier expressions be interpreted fully and immediately, though pragmatic and task variables appear to impact the speed and/or depth of quantifier interpretation.
语言理解通常被认为是渐进式的。然而，我们对孤立句子中量词表达式的研究发现，N400事件相关脑电位（ERP）证据表明存在部分但非完全即时的量词解释（乌尔巴赫和库塔斯，2010年）。在这里，我们在语用支持性话语语境中测试了类似的量词表达式（//），同时让参与者进行合理性判断（实验1）或为理解而阅读（实验2）。控制实验3A（合理性）和3B（理解）去除了话语语境。量词总是调节典型和/或非典型单词的N400振幅。然而，只有实验2中的实时N400效应反映了离线量词与典型性交叉交互效应，用于合理性评分和填空概率。我们得出结论，量词表达式可以被完全即时地解释，尽管语用和任务变量似乎会影响量词解释的速度和/或深度。
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