Kott Anne, Limaye Rupali J
Johns Hopkins Center for Communication Programs, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, 111 Market Place Suite 300, Baltimore, MD 21202, USA.
Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, Department of International Health, 111 Market Place Suite 300, Baltimore, MD 21202, USA.
Soc Sci Med. 2016 Nov;169:42-49. doi: 10.1016/j.socscimed.2016.09.029. Epub 2016 Sep 20.
During a disease outbreak, media serve as primary transmitters of information from public health agencies to the public, and have been shown to influence both behavior and perception of risk. Differences in news frequency, framing and information source can impact the public's interpretation of risk messages and subsequent attitudes and behaviors about a particular threat. The media's framing of an outbreak is important, as it may affect both perception of risk and the ability to process important health information.
To understand how risk communication by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) during the 2014 Ebola outbreak was framed and delivered and to what extent primetime broadcast news media mirrored CDC's framing and authoritative voice, 209 CDC communications and primetime broadcast transcripts issued between July 24 and December 29, 2014 were analyzed and coded by thematic frame and authoritative voice. Dominant frame and voice were determined for each month and for overall period of analysis.
Medical frame was dominant in CDC (60%), Anderson Cooper 360 (49%), The Rachel Maddow Show (47%) and All In with Chris Hayes (47%). The human interest frame was dominant in The Kelly File (45%), while The O'Reilly Factor coverage was equally split between sociopolitical and medical frames (28%, respectively). Primetime news media also changed dominant frames over time. Dominant authoritative voice in CDC communications was that of CDC officials, while primetime news dominantly featured local and federal (non-CDC) government officials and academic/medical experts.
Differences in framing and delivery could have led the public to interpret risk in a different way than intended by CDC. Overall, public health agencies should consider adapting risk communication strategies to account for a dynamic news environment and the media's agenda. Options include adapting communications to short-form styles and embracing the concept of storytelling.
在疾病爆发期间，媒体是公共卫生机构向公众传递信息的主要渠道，并且已被证明会影响行为和风险认知。新闻频率、框架和信息来源的差异会影响公众对风险信息的解读以及随后对特定威胁的态度和行为。媒体对疫情的框架构建很重要，因为它可能会影响风险认知以及处理重要健康信息的能力。
为了解疾病控制与预防中心（CDC）在2014年埃博拉疫情期间的风险沟通是如何构建框架并传递的，以及黄金时段广播新闻媒体在多大程度上反映了CDC的框架构建和权威声音，对2014年7月24日至12月29日期间发布的209份CDC通讯和黄金时段广播文字记录按主题框架和权威声音进行了分析和编码。确定了每个月以及整个分析期间的主导框架和声音。
医学框架在CDC（60%）、《安德森·库珀360度》（49%）、《雷切尔·马多秀》（47%）和《与克里斯·海耶斯一起全情投入》（47%）中占主导地位。人情味框架在《凯利档案》中占主导地位（45%），而《奥莱利因素》的报道在社会政治框架和医学框架之间平分秋色（均为28%）。黄金时段新闻媒体的主导框架也随时间发生了变化。CDC通讯中的主导权威声音是CDC官员的声音，而黄金时段新闻主要以地方和联邦（非CDC）政府官员以及学术/医学专家为主。
框架构建和传递方式的差异可能导致公众以与CDC预期不同的方式解读风险。总体而言，公共卫生机构应考虑调整风险沟通策略，以适应动态的新闻环境和媒体议程。选择包括将沟通方式调整为简短形式并接受故事讲述的概念。
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