Santesteban Mikel, Zawiszewski Adam, Erdocia Kepa, Laka Itziar
Department of Linguistics and Basque Studies, University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU)Vitoria-Gasteiz, Spain.
Front Psychol. 2017 Sep 5;8:1470. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2017.01470. eCollection 2017.
Pronominal dependencies have been shown to be more resilient to attraction effects than subject-verb agreement. We use this phenomenon to investigate whether antecedent-clitic dependencies in Spanish are computed like agreement or like pronominal dependencies. In Experiment 1, an acceptability judgment self-paced reading task was used. Accuracy data yielded reliable attraction effects in both grammatical and ungrammatical sentences, only in singular (but not plural) clitics. Reading times did not show reliable attraction effects. In Experiment 2, we measured electrophysiological responses to violations, which elicited a biphasic frontal negativity-P600 pattern. Number attraction modulated the frontal negativity but not the amplitude of the P600 component. This differs from ERP findings on subject-verb agreement, since when the baseline matching condition obtained a biphasic pattern, attraction effects only modulated the P600, not the preceding negativity. We argue that these findings support cue-retrieval accounts of dependency resolution and further suggest that the sensitivity to attraction effects shown by clitics resembles more the computation of pronominal dependencies than that of agreement.
代词依存关系已被证明比主谓一致对吸引效应更具弹性。我们利用这一现象来研究西班牙语中先行词与附着词的依存关系是像一致关系那样计算，还是像代词依存关系那样计算。在实验1中，使用了一项可接受性判断自定步速阅读任务。准确性数据在语法和非语法句子中都产生了可靠的吸引效应，且仅在单数（而非复数）附着词中出现。阅读时间并未显示出可靠的吸引效应。在实验2中，我们测量了对违反情况的电生理反应，其引发了双相额叶负波-P600模式。数的吸引调节了额叶负波，但未调节P600成分的幅度。这与关于主谓一致的事件相关电位研究结果不同，因为当基线匹配条件呈现双相模式时，吸引效应仅调节P600，而不调节之前的负波。我们认为这些发现支持了依存关系解析的线索检索理论，并且进一步表明，附着词对吸引效应的敏感性更类似于代词依存关系的计算，而非一致关系的计算。
