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失语症患者在句子理解过程中韵律和词汇语义处理的电生理学。

Electrophysiology of prosodic and lexical-semantic processing during sentence comprehension in aphasia.

机构信息

Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine, United States; San Diego State University, United States.

San Diego State University, United States; University of California, San Diego, United States.

出版信息

Neuropsychologia. 2017 Dec;107:9-24. doi: 10.1016/j.neuropsychologia.2017.10.023. Epub 2017 Oct 20.

Abstract

Event-related potentials (ERPs) were used to examine how individuals with aphasia and a group of age-matched controls use prosody and themattic fit information in sentences containing temporary syntactic ambiguities. Two groups of individuals with aphasia were investigated; those demonstrating relatively good sentence comprehension whose primary language difficulty is anomia (Individuals with Anomic Aphasia (IWAA)), and those who demonstrate impaired sentence comprehension whose primary diagnosis is Broca's aphasia (Individuals with Broca's Aphasia (IWBA)). The stimuli had early closure syntactic structure and contained a temporary early closure (correct)/late closure (incorrect) syntactic ambiguity. The prosody was manipulated to either be congruent or incongruent, and the temporarily ambiguous NP was also manipulated to either be a plausible or an implausible continuation for the subordinate verb (e.g., "While the band played the song/the beer pleased all the customers."). It was hypothesized that an implausible NP in sentences with incongruent prosody may provide the parser with a plausibility cue that could be used to predict syntactic structure. The results revealed that incongruent prosody paired with a plausibility cue resulted in an N400-P600 complex at the implausible NP (the beer) in both the controls and the IWAAs, yet incongruent prosody without a plausibility cue resulted in an N400-P600 at the critical verb (pleased) only in healthy controls. IWBAs did not show evidence of N400 or P600 effects at the ambiguous NP or critical verb, although they did show evidence of a delayed N400 effect at the sentence-final word in sentences with incongruent prosody. These results suggest that IWAAs have difficulty integrating prosodic cues with underlying syntactic structure when lexical-semantic information is not available to aid their parse. IWBAs have difficulty integrating both prosodic and lexical-semantic cues with syntactic structure, likely due to a processing delay.

摘要

事件相关电位 (ERPs) 被用来研究失语症患者和一组年龄匹配的对照组如何在包含临时句法歧义的句子中使用韵律和主题契合信息。研究了两组失语症患者;一组是句子理解相对较好但主要语言困难是命名障碍的患者(命名性失语症患者(IWAA)),另一组是句子理解受损且主要诊断为布罗卡失语症的患者(布罗卡失语症患者(IWBA))。刺激具有早期闭合句法结构,包含一个临时的早期闭合(正确)/晚期闭合(错误)句法歧义。韵律被操纵为一致或不一致,暂时歧义的名词短语也被操纵为下属动词的合理或不合理的延续(例如,“当乐队演奏歌曲/啤酒使所有顾客满意。”)。假设在韵律不一致的句子中,一个不合理的名词短语可能会为解析器提供一个可能性提示,用于预测句法结构。结果表明,在控制组和 IWAA 中,不一致的韵律与可能性提示相结合会导致不合理的名词短语(啤酒)处出现 N400-P600 复合波,而没有可能性提示的不一致的韵律仅在健康对照组中导致关键动词(pleased)处出现 N400-P600。IWBA 没有在歧义名词短语或关键动词处显示 N400 或 P600 效应的证据,尽管它们在韵律不一致的句子中确实在句子结尾处显示出延迟的 N400 效应的证据。这些结果表明,当词汇语义信息无法帮助解析时,IWAA 难以将韵律提示与潜在的句法结构整合在一起。IWBA 难以将韵律和词汇语义提示与句法结构整合在一起,可能是由于处理延迟。

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