Ward Aimee, Lewis Sharon R, Weiss Harold
Preventive and Social Medicine, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand.
Department of Geography, Kent State University, Kent, Ohio, USA.
Cochrane Database Syst Rev. 2020 Aug 16;8(8):CD009438. doi: 10.1002/14651858.CD009438.pub2.
Rates of injury and death caused by car crashes with teenage drivers remain high in most high-income countries. In addition to injury and death, car use includes other non-traffic risks; these may be health-related, such as physical inactivity or respiratory disease caused by air pollution, or have global significance, such as the environmental impact of car use. Research demonstrates that reducing the amount of time driving reduces the risk of injury, and it is expected that it would also reduce other risks that are unrelated to traffic. Mobility management interventions aim to increase mobility awareness and encourage a shift from private car use to active (walking, cycling, skateboarding), and public (bus, tram, train), transportation. 'Soft' mobility management interventions include the application of strategies and policies to reduce travel demand and may be instigated locally or more widely, to target a specific or a non-specific population group; 'hard' mobility management interventions include changes to the built environment or transport infrastructure and are not the focus of this review. Between the ages of 15 to 19 years, young people enter a development stage known as the 'transition teens' in which they are likely to make long-lasting lifestyle changes. It is possible that using this specific time point to introduce mobility management interventions may influence a person's long-term mobility behaviour.
To assess whether 'soft' mobility management interventions prevent, reduce, or delay car driving in teenagers aged 15 to 19 years, and to assess whether these mobility management interventions also reduce crashes caused by teenage drivers.
We searched the Cochrane Injuries Group Specialised Register, CENTRAL, MEDLINE, Embase, Web of Science, and Social Policy and Practice on 16 August 2019. We searched clinical trials registers, relevant conference proceedings, and online media sources of transport organisations, and conducted backward- and forward-citation searching of relevant articles.
We included randomised controlled trials (RCTs) or controlled before-after studies (CBAs) evaluating mobility management interventions in teenagers aged 15 to 19 years. We included informational, educational, or behavioural interventions that aimed to prevent, reduce, or delay car driving in this age group, and we compared these interventions with no intervention or with standard practice. We excluded studies that evaluated graduated drivers licensing (GDL) programmes, separate components of GDL, or interventions that act in conjunction with, or as an extension of, GDL. Such programmes aim to increase driving experience and skills through stages of supervised and unsupervised exposure, but assume that all participants will drive; they do not attempt to encourage people to drive less in the long term or promote alternatives to driving. We also excluded studies which evaluated school-based safe-driving initiatives.
Two review authors independently assessed studies for inclusion, extracted data, and assessed risks of bias. We assessed the certainty of evidence with GRADE.
We included one RCT with 178 participants and one CBA with 860 participants. The RCT allocated university students, with a mean age of 18 years, who had not yet acquired a driving licence, to one of four interventions that provided educational information about negative aspects of car use, or to a fifth group in which no information was given. Types of educational information about car use related to cost, risk, or stress, or all three types of educational information combined. In the CBA, 860 school students, aged 17 to 18 years taking a driving theory course, had an additional interactive lesson about active transport (walking or cycling), and some were invited to join a relevant Facebook group with posts targeting awareness and habit. We did not conduct meta-analyses because we had insufficient studies. We could not be certain whether educational interventions versus no information affected people's decision to obtain a driving licence 18 months after receiving the intervention (risk ratio 0.62, 95% confidence interval 0.45 to 0.85; very low-certainty evidence). We noted that fewer participants who were given information obtained a driving licence (42.6%) compared to those who did not receive information (69%), but we had very little confidence in the effect estimate; the study had high or unclear risks of bias and the evidence was from one small study and was therefore imprecise. We could not be certain whether interventions about active transport, given during a driving theory course, could influence behavioural predictors of car use. Study authors noted: - an increased intention to use active transport after obtaining a driving licence between postintervention and an eight-week follow-up in students who were given an active transport lesson and a Facebook invitation compared to those given only the active transport lesson; and - a decrease in intention between pre- and postintervention in those given an active transport lesson and Facebook invitation compared to those given the active transport lesson only. There were high risks of bias in this CBA study design, a large amount of missing data (very few participants accepted the Facebook invitation), and data came from a single study only, so we judged the evidence to be of very low certainty. These studies did not measure our primary outcome (driving frequency), or other secondary outcomes (driving distance, driving hours, use of alternative modes of transport, or car crashes).
AUTHORS' CONCLUSIONS: We found only two small studies, and could not determine whether mobility management interventions were effective to prevent, reduce, or delay car driving in teenagers. The lack of evidence in this review raises two points. First, more foundational research is needed to discover how and why young people make decisions surrounding their personal transport, in order to find out what might encourage them to delay licensing and driving. Second, we need longitudinal studies with a robust study design - such as RCTs - and with large sample sizes that incorporate different socioeconomic groups in order to evaluate the feasibility and effectiveness of relevant interventions. Ideally, evaluations will include an assessment of how attitudes and beliefs evolve in teenagers during these transition years, and the potential effect of these on the design of a mobility management intervention for this age group.
在大多数高收入国家,青少年驾驶汽车导致的伤亡率仍然很高。除了伤亡,汽车使用还包括其他非交通风险;这些风险可能与健康相关,如缺乏身体活动或空气污染导致的呼吸道疾病,或者具有全球意义,如汽车使用对环境的影响。研究表明,减少驾驶时间可降低受伤风险,预计还会减少与交通无关的其他风险。出行管理干预旨在提高出行意识,并鼓励从私家车使用转向主动出行(步行、骑自行车、滑板)和公共出行(公交车、电车、火车)。“软性”出行管理干预包括应用策略和政策来减少出行需求,可在当地或更广泛地实施,以针对特定或非特定人群;“硬性”出行管理干预包括对建成环境或交通基础设施的改变,并非本综述的重点。15至19岁的年轻人进入一个被称为“过渡青少年”的发展阶段,在此阶段他们可能会做出持久的生活方式改变。利用这个特定时间点引入出行管理干预措施,有可能影响一个人的长期出行行为。
评估“软性”出行管理干预措施是否能预防、减少或推迟15至19岁青少年的汽车驾驶行为,并评估这些出行管理干预措施是否也能减少青少年驾驶员导致的撞车事故。
我们于2019年8月16日检索了Cochrane伤害组专业注册库、CENTRAL、MEDLINE、Embase、科学引文索引和社会政策与实践数据库。我们检索了临床试验注册库、相关会议论文集以及运输组织的在线媒体资源,并对相关文章进行了向后和向前的引文检索。
我们纳入评估15至19岁青少年出行管理干预措施的随机对照试验(RCT)或前后对照研究(CBA)。我们纳入旨在预防、减少或推迟该年龄组汽车驾驶行为的信息性、教育性或行为性干预措施,并将这些干预措施与无干预或标准做法进行比较。我们排除了评估分级驾驶员执照(GDL)计划、GDL的单独组成部分,或与GDL联合或作为其延伸的干预措施的研究。此类计划旨在通过监督和无监督的驾驶阶段增加驾驶经验和技能,但假定所有参与者都会开车;它们并未试图从长远角度鼓励人们减少开车或推广替代驾驶的方式。我们还排除了评估基于学校的安全驾驶倡议的研究。
两位综述作者独立评估纳入研究、提取数据并评估偏倚风险。我们使用GRADE评估证据的确定性。
我们纳入了一项有178名参与者的RCT和一项有860名参与者的CBA。RCT将平均年龄为18岁、尚未获得驾驶执照的大学生分配到四项提供有关汽车使用负面影响的教育信息的干预措施之一,或分配到未提供任何信息的第五组。有关汽车使用的教育信息类型涉及成本、风险或压力,或这三种教育信息的组合。在CBA中,860名年龄在17至18岁、正在参加驾驶理论课程的学生,额外参加了一节关于主动出行(步行或骑自行车)的互动课程,一些学生被邀请加入一个相关的Facebook群组,群组中的帖子旨在提高意识和养成习惯习惯群。我们未进行荟萃分析,因为研究数量不足。我们无法确定教育干预与不提供信息相比,在接受干预18个月后是否会影响人们获得驾驶执照的决定(风险比0.62,95%置信区间0.45至0.85;极低确定性证据)。我们注意到,获得信息的参与者中获得驾驶执照的比例(42.6%)低于未获得信息的参与者(69%),但我们对效应估计值的信心很低;该研究存在高或不明确的偏倚风险,且证据来自一项小型研究,因此不准确。我们无法确定在驾驶理论课程中提供的关于主动出行的干预措施是否会影响汽车使用的行为预测因素。研究作者指出:- 与仅接受主动出行课程的学生相比,接受主动出行课程和Facebook邀请的学生在获得驾驶执照后,从干预后到八周随访期间使用主动出行的意愿有所增加;- 与仅接受主动出行课程的学生相比,接受主动出行课程和Facebook邀请的学生在干预前后的意愿有所下降。该CBA研究设计存在高偏倚风险,有大量缺失数据(很少有参与者接受Facebook邀请),且数据仅来自一项研究,因此我们判断证据的确定性非常低。这些研究未测量我们的主要结局(驾驶频率)或其他次要结局(驾驶距离、驾驶时长、使用替代出行方式或汽车撞车事故)。
我们仅发现两项小型研究,无法确定出行管理干预措施在预防、减少或推迟青少年汽车驾驶方面是否有效。本综述中证据的缺乏提出了两点。第一,需要更多的基础研究来发现年轻人如何以及为何做出关于个人交通方式的决策,以便找出可能鼓励他们推迟获得执照和驾驶的因素。第二,我们需要采用如RCT等稳健研究设计且样本量大、纳入不同社会经济群体的纵向研究,以评估相关干预措施的可行性和有效性。理想情况下,评估将包括对青少年在这些过渡时期的态度和信念如何演变以及这些对该年龄组出行管理干预措施设计的潜在影响的评估。