Demke Elena
Department of Psychiatry and Psychotherapy, Brandenburg Medical School, Immanuel Klinik Rüdersdorf, Rüdersdorf, Germany.
Front Sociol. 2022 May 23;7:833987. doi: 10.3389/fsoc.2022.833987. eCollection 2022.
In the late 1970s, the course seemed to be set for a reconciliation of the controversy around the somatic vs. the social nature of mental distress. The biopsychosocial model and the vulnerability-stress-model were influential agents in this move, but a medicalized somatic view on mental distress persisted nonetheless. The reasons for this persistence are complex, and naturally include questions of structural power. However, the adherence to a certain fundamental framing of a problem may continue to be transmitted not only out of conviction, but also unwittingly. The vulnerability-stress-model allowed those who used it to effectively stick to the implications of a medicalized somatic view of the faulty individual who falls ill, while also allowing them to believe they integrated the social dimensions of the problem. A close reading and hermeneutical interpretation of the text by Zubin and Spring (1977) and an analysis of its use in psychoeducation serve as a case study in this respect. The vulnerability-stress-model (simply called "vulnerability model" by Zubin and Spring; more often "stress-vulnerability model" by English speaking recipients, and "vulnerability-stress-model" by German authors) seems to have been a success story: since its publication by Zubin and Spring (1977), it has been the point of reference for numerous scholarly and popular ("psychoeducational") adaptations. It was soon extended from the diagnosis of schizophrenia to various psychiatric diagnoses, understanding mental distress as the result of a trait/state-interaction in the shape of "deviant coping patterns" (Zubin and Spring, p. 112). Recipients appraised the integration of environmental and dispositional factors, some of them opposing the supposed originally integrative intention of the VSM to reduced applications of it (Schmidt, 2012). However, it can be argued that this integration is a matter of rhetorics rather than argumentative essence. Their argument which significantly depends on the use of metaphors, as well as their referencing amounts to a confirmation of a medicalized view on mental distress and a dismissal of the role played by societal factors. Applied to psychoeducation, this paradoxical combination reinforced a view of the persons in question as individually vulnerable, rather than socially wounded. The consequences in terms of what appears as remedy are significant and contribute to turning individual difference into disability.
20世纪70年代末,围绕精神痛苦的躯体性与社会性本质的争议似乎朝着和解的方向发展。生物心理社会模型和易感性-应激模型是这一转变中的有影响力的因素,但对精神痛苦的医学化躯体观点仍然存在。这种持续存在的原因很复杂,自然包括结构性权力问题。然而,对某个问题的特定基本框架的坚持可能不仅会出于信念而持续传递,也会在不知不觉中持续传递。易感性-应激模型使使用它的人能够有效地坚持对患病个体的医学化躯体观点的影响,同时也让他们相信自己整合了问题的社会层面。对祖宾和斯普林(1977年)的文本进行仔细阅读和诠释学解读,并分析其在心理教育中的应用,在这方面可作为一个案例研究。易感性-应激模型(祖宾和斯普林简单地称为“易感性模型”;说英语的接受者更常称之为“应激易感性模型”,德国作者称之为“易感性-应激模型”)似乎是一个成功案例:自祖宾和斯普林(1977年)发表以来,它一直是众多学术和通俗(“心理教育”)改编的参考点。它很快从精神分裂症的诊断扩展到各种精神疾病诊断,将精神痛苦理解为“异常应对模式”形式的特质/状态相互作用的结果(祖宾和斯普林,第112页)。接受者赞赏环境和性格因素的整合,其中一些人反对易感性-应激模型原本所谓的整合意图,导致其应用减少(施密特,2012年)。然而,可以认为这种整合是一种修辞问题,而非论证本质。他们的论点很大程度上依赖于隐喻的使用,其引用相当于对精神痛苦的医学化观点的确认,以及对社会因素所起作用的忽视。应用于心理教育时,这种矛盾的结合强化了对相关人员的看法,即认为他们是个体易受伤害而非社会创伤。在补救措施方面的后果很严重,有助于将个体差异转化为残疾。