Becker M H, Janz N K
Department of Health Behavior and Health Education, University of Michigan School of Public Health, Ann Arbor 48109-2029.
Health Serv Res. 1987 Oct;22(4):537-51.
Health-promotion efforts often employ HRA as a device for providing an individual with quantitative information about the consequences of personal health-related behaviors and as an attempt to motivate the client to adopt recommendations directed at establishing a healthier lifestyle. From a behavioral science perspective, the HRA approach and process contain elements that (at least in retrospective analysis) appear to be founded in relevant bodies of theory. First, HRA seems to be a reasonably efficient mechanism for transmitting information relative to associations between personal health behaviors and mortality risks. Moreover, while general knowledge and advice about the untoward consequences of risk factors (such as smoking, obesity, high blood pressure, etc.) are currently widespread, HRA provides new and specific information: the client's own relative risks. Some individuals who voluntarily participate in HRA bring to the experience an already high level of readiness to take action; for them, the technique may constitute the final necessary stimulus or "cue to action" [12]. Referring to a "borrowing from the future" phenomenon, Green points out that "some educational efforts are really only triggers to behavior that would have changed eventually anyway" [44, p. 159]. Thus, where motivation is sufficiently high, receipt of HRA feedback information may by itself be capable of inducing behavior change. Second, the focus on awareness and personalization of mortality risk fits well with most theoretical formulations concerning attitudes and beliefs involved in health-related decision making. Although the emphasis on mortality and often distant negative outcomes is problematic, increasing the client's perception of personal vulnerability is a psychologically defensible approach, and fear arousal can generate attitude change (although questions of appropriate level, duration of effects obtained, acceptability, etc. still need to be resolved). Third, HRA might be expected to enhance the client's perception of the benefits associated with lifestyle modifications and may even increase personal belief in his or her ability to undertake such changes in behavior. However, in light of the fact that the behaviors to be altered are complex, usually well-established and repetitive, and require different skills to extinguish, the provision of typical HRA feedback should not (on a theoretical basis) ordinarily be expected to accomplish much beyond information transmission, belief or attitude change, and the induction of some level of motivation.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS)
健康促进工作常常将健康风险评估(HRA)作为一种手段,为个人提供与个人健康相关行为后果的量化信息,并试图激励客户采纳旨在建立更健康生活方式的建议。从行为科学的角度来看,HRA方法和过程包含一些要素(至少在回顾性分析中)似乎有相关理论依据。首先,HRA似乎是一种相当有效的机制,用于传递与个人健康行为和死亡风险之间关联相关的信息。此外,虽然目前关于风险因素(如吸烟、肥胖、高血压等)不良后果的一般知识和建议很普遍,但HRA提供了新的具体信息:客户自身的相对风险。一些自愿参与HRA的人在参与过程中已经有很高的行动意愿;对他们来说,该技术可能构成最终必要的刺激或“行动提示”[12]。格林提到“从未来借用”现象时指出,“一些教育努力实际上只是对最终无论如何都会改变的行为的触发因素”[44,第159页]。因此,在动机足够高的情况下,收到HRA反馈信息本身可能就能促使行为改变。其次,对死亡风险的意识和个性化关注与大多数关于健康相关决策中涉及的态度和信念的理论表述相契合。尽管对死亡和往往遥远的负面结果的强调存在问题,但提高客户对个人易感性的认知是一种在心理上站得住脚的方法,恐惧唤起可以引发态度改变(尽管适当程度、所获效果的持续时间、可接受性等问题仍需解决)。第三,HRA可能会增强客户对与生活方式改变相关益处的认知,甚至可能增加个人对自己进行此类行为改变能力的信念。然而,鉴于要改变的行为复杂、通常根深蒂固且重复,并且需要不同技能来消除,通常不应(从理论基础上)期望提供典型的HRA反馈能在信息传递、信念或态度改变以及引发一定程度的动机之外取得更多成效。(摘要截断于400字)