University of Toronto.
University of New Brunswick.
J Cogn Neurosci. 2024 Jun 1;36(7):1493-1522. doi: 10.1162/jocn_a_02190.
How does language background influence the neural correlates of visual word recognition in children? To address this question, we used an ERP lexical decision task to examine first-language (L1) and second-language (L2) visual word processing in monolingual and bilingual school-aged children and young adults (n = 123). In particular, we focused on the effects of word frequency (an index of lexical accessibility) on RTs and the N400 ERP component. Behaviorally, we found larger L1 versus L2 word frequency effects among bilingual children, driven by faster and more accurate responses to higher-frequency words (no other language or age group differences were observed). Neurophysiologically, we found larger L1 word frequency effects in bilinguals versus monolinguals (across both age groups), reflected in more negative ERP amplitudes to lower-frequency words. However, the bilingual groups processed L1 and L2 words similarly, despite lower levels of subjective and objective L2 proficiency. Taken together, our findings suggest that divided L1 experience (but not L2 experience) influences the neural correlates of visual word recognition across childhood and adulthood.
语言背景如何影响儿童视觉词汇识别的神经相关性?为了解决这个问题,我们使用 ERP 词汇判断任务,在单语和双语学龄儿童和青少年(n = 123)中检查母语(L1)和第二语言(L2)的视觉词汇处理。具体来说,我们关注词频(词汇可及性的指标)对 RT 和 N400 ERP 成分的影响。在行为方面,我们发现双语儿童的 L1 与 L2 词频效应更大,这是由于对高频词的反应更快、更准确(没有观察到其他语言或年龄组的差异)。神经生理学方面,我们发现双语者的 L1 词频效应大于单语者(在两个年龄组中),这反映在对低频词的 ERP 振幅更负。然而,尽管第二语言的主观和客观熟练程度较低,双语组仍以类似的方式处理 L1 和 L2 单词。总的来说,我们的发现表明,L1 经验的分散(而非 L2 经验)会影响儿童期和成年期视觉词汇识别的神经相关性。