Cayado Dave Kenneth Tayao, Wray Samantha, Lai Marco Chia-Ho, Chong Adam J, Stockall Linnaea
Department of Psychology, Royal Holloway, University of London, Egham, UK.
Department of Linguistics, Queen Mary, University of London, London, UK.
Psychon Bull Rev. 2025 Aug 12. doi: 10.3758/s13423-025-02758-7.
Previous experiments support an initial stage of early, form-based visual word recognition, where morphologically complex words like adorable are segmented into morphemes {adore}+{-able}, despite an orthographic change in the stem. However, most experiments have focused on words with clear boundaries between the affix and stem, making decomposition more straightforward. We investigate whether obscured boundaries between the prefix and stem affect morphological decomposition. Using Tagalog as a test case, we compare the processing of prefixed words [1] without morphophonological changes (e.g., {mang}+{hila} becomes manghila "to pull"), [2] with nasal assimilation obscuring prefix identity (e.g., {mang}+{bulag} becomes mambulag "to blind"), and [3] with nasal substitution obscuring both prefix and stem identities and their morphological boundary at orthographic and phonological levels (e.g., {mang}+{tulak} becomes manulak "to push"). Crucially, these morphophonological changes exhibit variability: nasal substitution is more likely than assimilation for voiceless-initial stems, while the opposite holds for voiced-initial stems. Experiment 1 presents behavioral masked priming data that prefixed words are decomposed into morphemes, even with obscured {prefix}+{stem} boundaries. Experiment 2 further supports these results with data from magnetoencephalography showing neural activity is modulated by stem:whole word transition probability, which indicates morphological decomposition. Findings from both experiments unambiguously show that early, form-based decomposition is robust and flexible enough to recognize morphemes, despite morphophonological changes obscuring the {prefix}+{stem} boundary.
先前的实验支持早期基于形式的视觉单词识别的初始阶段,在这个阶段,像adorable这样形态复杂的单词会被分割成语素{adore}+{-able},尽管词干存在拼写变化。然而,大多数实验都集中在词缀和词干之间界限清晰的单词上,这使得分解更加直接。我们研究前缀和词干之间模糊的界限是否会影响形态分解。以他加禄语为例,我们比较了三类带前缀单词的处理情况:[1] 没有形态音位变化的(例如,{mang}+{hila}变成manghila“拉”),[2] 鼻音同化掩盖前缀特征的(例如,{mang}+{bulag}变成mambulag“使失明”),以及[3] 鼻音替代在拼写和音位层面掩盖前缀和词干特征及其形态边界的(例如,{mang}+{tulak}变成manulak“推”)。关键的是,这些形态音位变化具有变异性:对于以清辅音开头的词干,鼻音替代比同化更有可能发生,而对于以浊辅音开头的词干则相反。实验1给出了行为掩蔽启动数据,表明即使{前缀}+{词干}边界模糊,带前缀的单词也会被分解成语素。实验2通过脑磁图数据进一步支持了这些结果,显示神经活动受到词干与整个单词转换概率的调节,这表明了形态分解。两个实验的结果都明确表明,尽管形态音位变化掩盖了{前缀}+{词干}边界,但早期基于形式的分解足够强大且灵活,足以识别语素。