Penka S, Heimann H, Heinz A, Schouler-Ocak M
Department of Psychiatry and Psychotherapy, Charité - University Medical Center, Campus Mitte, Berlin, Germany.
Eur Psychiatry. 2008 Jan;23 Suppl 1:36-42. doi: 10.1016/S0924-9338(08)70060-9.
In Germany, the public system of addiction treatment is used less by migrants with addictive disorders than by their non-migrant counterparts. To date, the literature has focused primarily on language, sociocultural factors, and residence status when discussing access barriers to this part of the health care system. However, little attention has been paid to cultural differences in explanatory models of addictive behaviour. This is surprising when we consider the important role played by popular knowledge in a population's perceptions of and responses to illnesses, including their causes, symptoms, and treatment. In the present study, we examined explanatory models of addictive behaviour and of mental disorders in 124 native German und Russian-German youth and compared these models to those observed in an earlier study of 144 German and Turkish youth. We employed the free listing technique German and to compile the terms that participating subjects used to describe addictive behaviour. Subsequently, we examined how a subset of our study population assigned these terms to the respective disorders by means of the pile sort method. Although the explanatory models used by the German and Russian-German youth in our study were surprisingly similar, those employed by Turkish youth did not make any fundamental distinction between illegal and legal drugs (e.g. alcohol and nicotine). German and Russian-German youth regarded eating disorders as "embarrassing" or "disgraceful", but Turkish youth did not. Unlike our German and Russian-German subjects, the Turkish youth did not classify eating disorders as being addictive in nature. Moreover, medical concepts crucial to a proper understanding of dependence disorders (e.g. the term "physical dependence") were characterised by almost half of our Turkish subjects as useless in describing addictions. These findings show that it is impossible to translate medical or everyday concepts of disease and treatment properly into a different language without considering the connotations and implications of each term as it relates to the respective culture. Terms that are central to Western medical models of disease may otherwise be misunderstood, misinterpreted, or simply rejected.
在德国,患有成瘾性疾病的移民对公共成瘾治疗体系的利用率低于非移民患者。迄今为止,在讨论这部分医疗体系的获取障碍时,文献主要聚焦于语言、社会文化因素和居住身份。然而,对于成瘾行为解释模型中的文化差异却鲜有关注。考虑到大众认知在人们对疾病的认知和应对(包括病因、症状和治疗)中所起的重要作用,这一点令人惊讶。在本研究中,我们调查了124名德国本土及德裔俄罗斯青年的成瘾行为和精神障碍解释模型,并将这些模型与早期对144名德国及土耳其青年的研究中观察到的模型进行了比较。我们采用自由列举法让参与研究的受试者列出他们用来描述成瘾行为的词汇。随后,我们通过归类法研究了部分研究对象如何将这些词汇对应到各自的疾病上。尽管在我们的研究中,德国及德裔俄罗斯青年使用的解释模型惊人地相似,但土耳其青年使用的模型并未对非法和合法药物(如酒精和尼古丁)做出任何本质区分。德国及德裔俄罗斯青年认为饮食失调“令人尴尬”或“不光彩”,但土耳其青年并非如此。与我们的德国及德裔俄罗斯受试者不同,土耳其青年并未将饮食失调归类为本质上成瘾的行为。此外,对于正确理解成瘾性疾病至关重要的医学概念(如“身体依赖”一词),几乎一半的土耳其受试者认为在描述成瘾方面毫无用处。这些发现表明,如果不考虑每个术语在各自文化中的内涵和意义,就不可能将医学或日常疾病及治疗概念准确地翻译成另一种语言。否则,西方医学疾病模型中的核心术语可能会被误解、曲解或干脆被拒绝。