MacWhinney B, Osmán-Sági J, Slobin D I
Department of Psychology, Carnegie Mellon University, Pittsburgh, PA 15213.
Brain Lang. 1991 Aug;41(2):234-49. doi: 10.1016/0093-934x(91)90154-s.
Studies of aphasia in Indo-European languages point to a selective vulnerability of morphological case marking in sentence comprehension. However, in case-marking languages such as German and Serbo-Croatian, the use of case marking to express formal grammatical gender diminishes the clarity of grammatical role marking. In Hungarian and Turkish, there are simple and reliable markings for the direct object. These markings are not linked to grammatical gender. Compared to Hungarian, the Turkish accusative marking is somewhat lower in availability, but somewhat higher in detectability. The processing of these cues by aphasics was tested using the design of MacWhinney, Pléh, and Bates (1985. Cognitive Psychology, 17, 178-209). Simple sentences with two nouns and one transitive verb were read to Broca's and Wernicke's aphasics, anomics, and control subjects in both Turkey and Hungary. The main effect of case marking was extremely strong. However, this was not true for all groups. The aphasics used the case cue far less than the normals, with the Hungarian Wernicke's group showing the greatest loss. Word order variations were largely ignored in all groups whenever the case-marking cue was present. When case marking was absent, Turkish subjects had a clear SOV interpretation for NNV sentences and Hungarians had a clear SVO interpretation for NVN sentences, in accord with basic patterns in their languages. When there was a contrast between the animacy of the two nouns, subjects choose the animate nouns significantly more often. The effect of animacy was particularly strong in Turkish, in accord with basic facts of Turkish grammar. In Hungarian, VNN sentences without case marking were interpreted as VOS when the first noun was inanimate. In Turkish, VNN sentences without case marking were often interpreted as VSO. In general, the aphasic subjects showed a clear preservation of virtually all aspects of their native languages, albeit in a much noisier form. Despite the high reliability of the case-marking cue, it was damaged more than the word order cue in English subjects. The near-chance processing of the case cue by the Wernicke's aphasics in Hungarian can probably be attributed to the relatively greater difficulty involved in detecting the Hungarian accusative suffix.
对印欧语系失语症的研究表明，句子理解中形态格标记存在选择性易损性。然而，在德语和塞尔维亚 - 克罗地亚语等有格标记的语言中，使用格标记来表达形式语法性属会降低语法角色标记的清晰度。在匈牙利语和土耳其语中，存在用于直接宾语的简单且可靠的标记。这些标记与语法性属无关。与匈牙利语相比，土耳其语的宾格标记在可用性上略低，但在可检测性上略高。使用MacWhinney、Pleh和Bates（1985年，《认知心理学》，第17卷，第178 - 209页）的设计对失语症患者对这些线索的处理进行了测试。向土耳其和匈牙利的布罗卡失语症患者、韦尼克失语症患者、命名性失语症患者及对照组受试者朗读带有两个名词和一个及物动词的简单句子。格标记的主要影响非常强烈。然而，并非所有组都是如此。失语症患者使用格线索的频率远低于正常人，匈牙利韦尼克失语症组的损失最大。只要存在格标记线索，所有组在很大程度上都会忽略词序变化。当没有格标记时，土耳其受试者对NNV句子有明确的SOV解释，匈牙利受试者对NVN句子有明确的SVO解释，这与他们语言的基本模式一致。当两个名词的生命性存在对比时，受试者显著更频繁地选择有生命的名词。生命性的影响在土耳其语中尤为强烈，这与土耳其语语法的基本事实相符。在匈牙利语中，没有格标记的VNN句子在第一个名词无生命时被解释为VOS。在土耳其语中，没有格标记的VNN句子常被解释为VSO。总体而言，失语症受试者几乎在其母语的所有方面都表现出明显的保留，尽管形式上更嘈杂。尽管格标记线索的可靠性很高，但在英语受试者中它比词序线索受损更严重。匈牙利韦尼克失语症患者对格线索的处理近乎随机，这可能归因于检测匈牙利语宾格后缀相对更大的难度。
