Andersson Neil
Centro de Investigación de Enfermedades Tropicales (CIET), Universidad Autónoma de Guerrero, Acapulco, Guerrero, Mexico.
Department of Family Medicine, McGill University, Montreal, Canada.
BMC Public Health. 2017 May 30;17(Suppl 1):397. doi: 10.1186/s12889-017-4288-6.
In conventional randomised controlled trials (RCTs), researchers design the interventions. In the Camino Verde trial, each intervention community designed its own programmes to prevent dengue. Instead of fixed actions or menus of activities to choose from, the trial randomised clusters to a participatory research protocol that began with sharing and discussing evidence from a local survey, going on to local authorship of the action plan for vector control.Adding equitable stakeholder engagement to RCT infrastructure anchors the research culturally, making it more meaningful to stakeholders. Replicability in other conditions is straightforward, since all intervention clusters used the same engagement protocol to discuss and to mobilize for dengue prevention. The ethical codes associated with RCTs play out differently in community-led pragmatic trials, where communities essentially choose what they want to do. Several discussion groups in each intervention community produced multiple plans for prevention, recognising different time lines. Some chose fast turnarounds, like elimination of breeding sites, and some chose longer term actions like garbage disposal and improving water supplies.A big part of the skill set for community-led trials is being able to stand back and simply support communities in what they want to do and how they want to do it, something that does not come naturally to many vector control programs or to RCT researchers. Unexpected negative outcomes can come from the turbulence implicit in participatory research. One example was the gender dynamic in the Mexican arm of the Camino Verde trial. Strong involvement of women in dengue control activities seems to have discouraged men in settings where activity in public spaces or outside of the home would ordinarily be considered a "male competence".Community-led trials address the tension between one-size-fits-all programme interventions and local needs. Whatever the conventional wisdom about how prevention works at a system level, programmes have to be perceived as locally relevant and they must engage stakeholders who make them work. Locally, each participating community has to know the intervention is relevant to them; they have to want to do it. That happens much more easily if they design the programme themselves.
在传统的随机对照试验(RCT)中,研究人员设计干预措施。在“绿色之路”试验中,每个干预社区自行设计预防登革热的方案。该试验不是提供固定的行动或活动菜单供选择,而是将群组随机分配到一个参与式研究方案中,该方案首先分享和讨论当地调查的证据,然后由当地制定病媒控制行动计划。在RCT基础设施中加入公平的利益相关者参与,能使研究在文化上扎根,对利益相关者更有意义。在其他情况下的可复制性很简单,因为所有干预群组都使用相同的参与方案来讨论和动员预防登革热。与RCT相关的伦理规范在社区主导的务实试验中表现不同,在这类试验中,社区基本上可以选择他们想做的事情。每个干预社区的几个讨论小组制定了多个预防计划,认识到不同的时间线。一些选择快速行动,如消除滋生地,一些选择长期行动,如垃圾处理和改善供水。社区主导试验技能的很大一部分是能够置身事外,仅仅支持社区做他们想做的事情以及他们想怎么做,这对许多病媒控制项目或RCT研究人员来说并非自然而然就能做到的。意想不到的负面结果可能来自参与式研究中隐含的动荡。一个例子是“绿色之路”试验墨西哥部分的性别动态。在通常认为公共场所或家外活动是“男性能力”的环境中,女性大力参与登革热控制活动似乎使男性气馁。社区主导试验解决了一刀切的方案干预与当地需求之间的矛盾。无论关于预防在系统层面如何起作用的传统观念是什么,方案都必须被视为与当地相关,并且必须让使其发挥作用的利益相关者参与进来。在当地,每个参与社区必须知道干预措施与他们相关;他们必须愿意去做。如果他们自己设计方案,这会更容易实现。