University of Gastronomic Sciences, Piazza Vittorio Emanuele II, 9, I-12060, Pollenzo, Cuneo, Italy.
Present address: Ark of Taste Office, Slow Food, Via Mendicità Istruita 14, I-12042, Bra, Cuneo, Italy.
J Ethnobiol Ethnomed. 2019 Feb 12;15(1):11. doi: 10.1186/s13002-019-0290-7.
Ethnobotanical field studies concerning migrant groups are crucial for understanding temporal changes of folk plant knowledge as well as for analyzing adaptation processes. Italy still lacks in-depth studies on migrant food habits that also evaluate the ingredients which newcomers use in their domestic culinary and herbal practices.
Semi-structured and open in-depth interviews were conducted with 104 first- and second-generation migrants belonging to the Albanian and Moroccan communities living in Turin and Bra, NW Italy. The sample included both ethnic groups and genders equally.
While the number of plant ingredients was similar in the two communities (44 plant items among Albanians vs 47 plant items among Moroccans), data diverged remarkably on three trajectories: (a) frequency of quotation (a large majority of the ingredients were frequently or moderately mentioned by Moroccan migrants whereas Albanians rarely mentioned them as still in use in Italy); (b) ways through which the home country plant ingredients were acquired (while most of the ingredients were purchased by Moroccans in local markets and shops, ingredients used by Albanians were for the most part informally "imported" during family visits from Albania); (c) quantitative and qualitative differences in the plant reports mentioned by the two communities, with plant reports recorded in the domestic arena of Moroccans nearly doubling the reports recorded among Albanians and most of the plant ingredients mentioned by Moroccans representing "medicinal foods".
A large portion of the differences shown by the two communities are linked to different methods of procurement of home country gastronomic botanical ingredients, the different transnational informal exchanges that exist between Italy and migrants' home countries, the presence of markets and ethnic shops in Italy selling these items, and the different degree of difficulty in accessing public health services. The observed divergences were also clearly related to very diverse adaptation strategies, i.e., processes of negotiating and elaborating Albanian and Moroccan cultural identities.
关于移民群体的民族植物学实地研究对于了解民间植物知识的时间变化以及分析适应过程至关重要。意大利仍然缺乏深入研究移民饮食习惯的研究,这些研究还评估了新来者在国内烹饪和草药实践中使用的成分。
对居住在意大利都灵和布拉的 104 名第一代和第二代阿尔巴尼亚和摩洛哥移民进行了半结构化和开放式深入访谈。该样本包括两个民族和性别相等的群体。
虽然两个社区的植物成分数量相似(阿尔巴尼亚人有 44 种植物成分,摩洛哥人有 47 种植物成分),但数据在三个方面存在显著差异:(a)引用频率(摩洛哥移民经常或中度提到的大部分成分,而阿尔巴尼亚人很少提到它们在意大利仍在使用);(b)获取原籍国植物成分的方式(虽然摩洛哥人大多在当地市场和商店购买大部分成分,但阿尔巴尼亚人使用的成分大多在家庭从阿尔巴尼亚访问期间非正式地“进口”);(c)两个社区提到的植物报告在数量和质量上的差异,摩洛哥人在国内提到的植物报告几乎是阿尔巴尼亚人的两倍,摩洛哥人提到的大部分植物成分代表“药用食品”。
两个社区表现出的大部分差异与原籍国美食植物成分采购方法的不同、意大利与移民原籍国之间不同的跨国家非正式交流、意大利存在销售这些物品的市场和民族商店以及获得公共卫生服务的不同难度有关。观察到的差异也与非常不同的适应策略明显相关,即协商和阐述阿尔巴尼亚和摩洛哥文化身份的过程。