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希腊语中屈折动词和派生动词及名词之间的不对称形态启动效应

Asymmetric Morphological Priming Among Inflected and Derived Verbs and Nouns in Greek.

作者信息

Loui Sofia, Protopapas Athanassios, Orfanidou Eleni

机构信息

Department of History and Philosophy of Science, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Athens, Greece.

Department of Special Needs Education, University of Oslo, Oslo, Norway.

出版信息

Front Psychol. 2021 Nov 17;12:658189. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2021.658189. eCollection 2021.

DOI:10.3389/fpsyg.2021.658189
PMID:34867572
原文链接:https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC8636029/
Abstract

The present study examined differences between inflectional and derivational morphology using Greek nouns and verbs with masked priming (with both short and long stimulus onset asynchrony) and long-lag priming. A lexical decision task to inflected noun and verb targets was used to test whether their processing is differentially facilitated by prior presentation of their stem in words of the same grammatical class (inflectional morphology) or of a different grammatical class (derivational morphology). Differences in semantics, syntactic information, and morphological complexity between inflected and derived word pairs (both nouns and verbs) were minimized by unusually tight control of stimuli as permitted by Greek morphology. Results showed that morphological relations affected processing of morphologically complex Greek words (nouns and verbs) across prime durations (50-250ms) as well as when items intervened between primes and targets. In two of the four experiments (Experiments 1 and 3), inflectionally related primes produced significantly greater effects than derivationally related primes suggesting differences in processing inflectional versus derivational morphological relations, which may disappear when processing is less dependent on semantic effects (Experiment 4). Priming effects differed for verb vs. noun targets with long SOA priming (Experiment 3), consistent with processing differences between complex words of different grammatical class (nouns and verbs) when semantic effects are maximized. Taken together, results demonstrate that inflectional and derivational relations differentially affect processing complex words of different grammatical class (nouns and verbs). This finding indicates that distinctions of morphological relation (inflectional vs. derivational) are not of the same kind as distinctions of grammatical class (nouns vs. verbs). Asymmetric differences among inflected and derived verbs and nouns seem to depend on semantic effects and/or processing demands modulating priming effects very early in lexical processing of morphologically complex written words, consistent with models of lexical processing positing early access to morphological structure and early influence of semantics.

摘要

本研究使用希腊语名词和动词,通过掩蔽启动(包括短和长刺激起始异步)和长时滞后启动,考察了屈折形态和派生形态之间的差异。对屈折名词和动词目标进行词汇判断任务,以测试同一语法类别(屈折形态)或不同语法类别(派生形态)的词干先前呈现是否会对它们的加工产生不同促进作用。通过希腊语形态学所允许的异常严格的刺激控制,使屈折词对和派生词对(名词和动词)之间的语义、句法信息和形态复杂性差异最小化。结果表明,形态关系影响了形态复杂的希腊语单词(名词和动词)在启动持续时间(50 - 250毫秒)内以及启动词和目标词之间有项目插入时的加工。在四个实验中的两个实验(实验1和实验3)中,与屈折相关的启动词产生的影响显著大于与派生相关的启动词,这表明在加工屈折形态关系和派生形态关系时存在差异,而当加工对语义效应的依赖性降低时(实验4),这种差异可能会消失。在长刺激起始异步启动时,动词和名词目标的启动效应不同(实验3),这与语义效应最大化时不同语法类别(名词和动词)的复杂单词之间的加工差异一致。综合来看,结果表明屈折关系和派生关系对不同语法类别(名词和动词)的复杂单词加工有不同影响。这一发现表明,形态关系(屈折与派生)的区分与语法类别(名词与动词)的区分不同。屈折动词和名词与派生动词和名词之间的不对称差异似乎取决于语义效应和/或加工需求,这些在形态复杂书面单词的词汇加工早期就对启动效应进行调节,这与假设早期获取形态结构和语义早期影响的词汇加工模型一致。

https://cdn.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/blobs/bc79/8636029/1d49e869779d/fpsyg-12-658189-g004.jpg
https://cdn.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/blobs/bc79/8636029/3a1782651958/fpsyg-12-658189-g001.jpg
https://cdn.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/blobs/bc79/8636029/eeb0f76a6daa/fpsyg-12-658189-g002.jpg
https://cdn.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/blobs/bc79/8636029/6d60ebb241c8/fpsyg-12-658189-g003.jpg
https://cdn.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/blobs/bc79/8636029/1d49e869779d/fpsyg-12-658189-g004.jpg
https://cdn.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/blobs/bc79/8636029/3a1782651958/fpsyg-12-658189-g001.jpg
https://cdn.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/blobs/bc79/8636029/eeb0f76a6daa/fpsyg-12-658189-g002.jpg
https://cdn.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/blobs/bc79/8636029/6d60ebb241c8/fpsyg-12-658189-g003.jpg
https://cdn.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/blobs/bc79/8636029/1d49e869779d/fpsyg-12-658189-g004.jpg

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