Department of Health Behavior, School of Public Health, University of Alabama at Birmingham, 227K Ryals Building, 1665 University Blvd., Birmingham, AL, 35225, USA.
J Behav Med. 2024 Apr;47(2):169-183. doi: 10.1007/s10865-023-00445-3. Epub 2023 Sep 2.
In 2020, the Food and Drug Administration granted emergency use authorization for two COVID-19 vaccines. Two years later, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention estimated that more than 250 million individuals had received at least one dose of the vaccine. Despite the large numbers of individuals vaccinated against COVID-19, partisan differences surrounding the COVID-19 vaccine emerged, creating a potential challenge for health communications aimed at increasing vaccine uptake. A better understanding of partisan differences in attitudes and intentions towards vaccination may help guide public health strategies aimed at increasing vaccine uptake. To determine whether a commonly used theory of behavioral intentions used to craft public health messages explains partisan differences in intentions. Data were drawn from a national panel of US adults and collected between February 21, 2022, and March 3, 2022, using an online survey (n = 1845). Among respondents identifying as either Democrat or Republican (n = 1466), path analysis models were estimated to test whether partisan differences in vaccination or booster intentions were explained by the theoretical constructs of protection motivation theory (PMT). PMT accounted for approximately half of the covariate-adjusted mean difference in COVID-19 vaccination intentions between Democrats and Republicans, and nearly all the mean difference in booster intentions. Party affiliation indirectly affected intentions via its association with perceived susceptibility to COVID-19, vaccine/booster efficacy, and perceived costs of getting a COVID-19 vaccine or booster dose. Compared with Democrats, Republicans may be less likely to get vaccinated or receive a booster dose because of beliefs that they are less susceptible to COVID-19, that the vaccine is less effective, and that vaccination comes with disadvantages. Theories of behavioral intentions can help to identify the underlying theoretical determinants driving behavioral differences between political groups.
2020 年，食品和药物管理局授予两种 COVID-19 疫苗紧急使用授权。两年后，疾病控制与预防中心估计，超过 2.5 亿人至少接种了一剂疫苗。尽管有大量的个人接种了 COVID-19 疫苗，但围绕 COVID-19 疫苗的党派分歧出现了，这对旨在提高疫苗接种率的健康传播构成了潜在挑战。更好地了解疫苗接种态度和意愿方面的党派差异，可能有助于指导旨在提高疫苗接种率的公共卫生策略。为了确定一种用于制定公共卫生信息的常用行为意向理论是否能解释接种意愿方面的党派差异。数据来自美国成年人的全国性小组，于 2022 年 2 月 21 日至 2022 年 3 月 3 日期间通过在线调查收集（n=1845）。在自认为是民主党人或共和党人的受访者中（n=1466），采用路径分析模型来检验保护动机理论（PMT）的理论结构是否可以解释接种或加强针接种意向的党派差异。PMT 解释了大约民主党和共和党之间 COVID-19 疫苗接种意向的一半经协变量调整的平均差异，以及几乎所有加强针接种意向的平均差异。党派归属通过与 COVID-19 易感性、疫苗/加强针效力以及接种 COVID-19 疫苗或加强针剂量的成本的关联，间接地影响接种意愿。与民主党人相比，共和党人可能不太愿意接种疫苗或接种加强针，因为他们认为自己不太容易感染 COVID-19，疫苗效力较低，而且接种疫苗有不利之处。行为意向理论可以帮助确定驱动政治群体之间行为差异的潜在理论决定因素。
