Frost R, Deutsch A, Gilboa O, Tannenbaum M, Marslen-Wilson W
Department of Psychology, Hebrew University, Jerusalem, 91905 Israel.
Mem Cognit. 2000 Dec;28(8):1277-88. doi: 10.3758/bf03211828.
Previous experiments based on a masked-priming paradigm revealed robust morphological priming effects induced by two derivational morphemes in Hebrew: the root and the verbal pattern. However, considering the special characteristics of the masked-priming paradigm, the possible contributions of phonological and/or semantic factors to these morphological effects could not be firmly assessed. In the present study, the role of these factors in morphological priming was examined, using cross-modal presentation. Experiment 1 revealed that priming between morphologically related words in Hebrew is determined by higher level linguistic characteristics and cannot be reduced to phonological overlap. Experiment 2 confirmed that morphological priming occurs in Hebrew even when primes and targets are not semantically related but, nevertheless, increases with semantic similarity. The results support the claim that morphological priming cannot be accounted for by considering semantic and phonological factors alone, and they exemplify the potential of using both masked and cross-modal priming to examine morphological processing.
先前基于掩蔽启动范式的实验揭示了希伯来语中两个派生词素——词根和动词模式所引发的强大词形启动效应。然而，考虑到掩蔽启动范式的特殊特性，语音和/或语义因素对这些词形效应的可能贡献无法得到确切评估。在本研究中，使用跨通道呈现方式考察了这些因素在词形启动中的作用。实验1表明，希伯来语中形态相关词之间的启动是由更高层次的语言特征决定的，不能简化为语音重叠。实验2证实，即使启动词和目标词在语义上不相关，希伯来语中也会出现词形启动，不过，启动效应会随着语义相似度的增加而增强。这些结果支持了这样一种观点，即词形启动不能仅通过考虑语义和语音因素来解释，它们例证了使用掩蔽启动和跨通道启动来研究词形加工的潜力。
