Deaton Angus
Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, Princeton University, Princeton, New Jersey and National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge, Massachusetts, USA.
J Econ Perspect. 2008 Spring;22(2):53-72. doi: 10.1257/jep.22.2.53.
During 2006, the Gallup Organization conducted a World Poll that used an identical questionnaire for national samples of adults from 132 countries. I analyze the data on life satisfaction and on health satisfaction and look at their relationships with national income, age, and life-expectancy. Average life satisfaction is strongly related to per capita national income; each doubling of income is associated with a near one point increase in life satisfaction on a scale from 0 to 10. Unlike most previous findings, the effect holds across the range of international incomes; if anything, it is slightly stronger among rich countries. Conditional on national income, recent economic growth makes people less satisfied with their lives, improvements in life-expectancy make them more satisfied, but life-expectancy itself has little effect. In most countries, except the richest, older people are less satisfied with their lives. National income moderates the effects of aging on self-reported health, and the decline in health satisfaction with age is much stronger in poor countries than in rich countries. In line with earlier findings, people in much of Eastern Europe and in the countries of the former Soviet Union are particularly dissatisfied with their lives and with their health, and older people in those countries are much less satisfied with their lives and with their health than are younger people. HIV prevalence in Africa has little effect on Africans’ life or health satisfaction; the fraction of Kenyans who are satisfied with their personal health is the same as the fraction of Britons and higher than the fraction of Americans. The US ranks 88 out of 120 countries in the fraction of people who have confidence in their healthcare system, and has a lower score than countries such as India, Iran, Malawi, Afghanistan or Angola . While the strong relationship between life-satisfaction and income gives some credence to the measures, as do the low levels of life and health satisfaction in Eastern Europe and the countries of the former Soviet Union, the lack of correlations between life and health satisfaction and health measures shows that self-assessed life or health evaluations cannot be regarded as useful summary indicators of human welfare in international comparisons.
2006年期间,盖洛普民意调查机构开展了一项全球民意调查,对来自132个国家的成年国民样本使用了相同的调查问卷。我分析了生活满意度和健康满意度的数据,并研究了它们与国民收入、年龄和预期寿命之间的关系。平均生活满意度与人均国民收入密切相关;收入每翻一番,生活满意度在0至10的量表上就会提高近1分。与之前的大多数研究结果不同,这种影响在国际收入范围内都成立;如果有什么不同的话,在富裕国家中这种影响稍强一些。在国民收入既定的情况下,近期的经济增长会使人们对自己的生活满意度降低,预期寿命的提高会使他们更满意,但预期寿命本身的影响很小。在大多数国家,除了最富裕的国家,老年人对自己的生活满意度较低。国民收入缓和了老龄化对自我报告健康状况的影响,在贫穷国家,健康满意度随年龄下降的幅度比富裕国家大得多。与早期研究结果一致,东欧大部分地区和前苏联国家的人们对自己的生活和健康状况特别不满意,这些国家的老年人对自己的生活和健康状况的满意度远低于年轻人。非洲的艾滋病毒感染率对非洲人的生活或健康满意度影响不大;对个人健康状况感到满意的肯尼亚人的比例与英国人相同,且高于美国人。在对医疗保健系统有信心的人群比例方面,美国在120个国家中排名第88位,得分低于印度、伊朗、马拉维、阿富汗或安哥拉等国家。虽然生活满意度与收入之间的紧密关系为这些衡量标准提供了一些可信度,东欧和前苏联国家较低的生活和健康满意度也是如此,但生活和健康满意度与健康指标之间缺乏相关性表明,在国际比较中,自我评估生活或健康状况不能被视为衡量人类福祉的有用综合指标。