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一个系统何时成为音系的?手势者、手语使用者和自创手势者的手型产生。

When does a system become phonological? Handshape production in gesturers, signers, and homesigners.

作者信息

Brentari Diane, Coppola Marie, Mazzoni Laura, Goldin-Meadow Susan

机构信息

Department of Linguistics, University of Chicago, 1010 East 59th Street, Chicago, IL 60637-1512, USA.

出版信息

Nat Lang Linguist Theory. 2012 Feb 1;30(1):1-31. doi: 10.1007/s11049-011-9145-1.

Abstract

Sign languages display remarkable crosslinguistic consistencies in the use of handshapes. In particular, handshapes used in classifier predicates display a consistent pattern in : classifier handshapes representing display more finger complexity than those representing how objects are . Here we explore the conditions under which this morphophonological phenomenon arises. In Study 1, we ask whether hearing individuals in Italy and the United States, asked to communicate using only their hands, show the same pattern of finger complexity found in the classifier handshapes of two sign languages: Italian Sign Language (LIS) and American Sign Language (ASL). We find that they do not: gesturers display more finger complexity in handshapes than in handshapes. The morphophonological pattern found in conventional sign languages is therefore not a codified version of the pattern invented by hearing individuals on the spot. In Study 2, we ask whether continued use of gesture as a primary communication system results in a pattern that is more similar to the morphophonological pattern found in conventional sign languages or to the pattern found in gesturers. have not acquired a signed or spoken language and instead use a self-generated gesture system to communicate with their hearing family members and friends. We find that homesigners pattern more like signers than like gesturers: their finger complexity in handshapes is higher than that of gesturers (indeed as high as signers); and their finger complexity in handshapes is lower than that of gesturers (but not quite as low as signers). Generally, our findings indicate two markers of the phonologization of handshape in sign languages: increasing finger complexity in handshapes, and decreasing finger complexity in handshapes. These first indicators of phonology appear to be present in individuals developing a gesture system without benefit of a linguistic community. Finally, we propose that iconicity, morphology and phonology each play an important role in the system of sign language classifiers to create the earliest markers of phonology at the morphophonological interface.

摘要

手语在手部形状的使用上展现出显著的跨语言一致性。特别是,类属谓词中使用的手部形状呈现出一种一致的模式:表示 的类属手部形状比表示物体 方式的手部形状展现出更高的手指复杂性。在此,我们探究这种形态音位现象出现的条件。在研究1中,我们询问意大利和美国的听力正常个体,要求他们仅用手进行交流,是否会展现出与两种手语(意大利手语(LIS)和美国手语(ASL))的类属手部形状中所发现的相同手指复杂性模式。我们发现他们并没有:手势者在 手部形状中展现出比在 手部形状中更高的手指复杂性。因此,在传统手语中发现的形态音位模式并非听力正常个体当场发明的模式的编纂版本。在研究2中,我们询问持续将手势作为主要交流系统是否会产生一种模式,该模式更类似于在传统手语中发现的形态音位模式,还是更类似于在手势者中发现的模式。 没有习得手语或口语,而是使用自行创造的手势系统与他们听力正常的家人和朋友交流。我们发现自创手语者的模式更像手语使用者而非手势者:他们在 手部形状中的手指复杂性高于手势者(实际上与手语使用者一样高);并且他们在 手部形状中的手指复杂性低于手势者(但不像手语使用者那么低)。总体而言,我们的研究结果表明手语中手部形状音系化的两个标志:在 手部形状中手指复杂性增加,以及在 手部形状中手指复杂性降低。这些音系学的最初指标似乎存在于在没有语言社群帮助的情况下发展手势系统的个体中。最后,我们提出象似性、形态学和音系学在手语类属系统中各自发挥重要作用,以在形态音位界面创造音系学的最早标志。

https://cdn.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/blobs/aa57/3665423/929d16c9d645/nihms460759f10.jpg

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