Levy Neil
1Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia.
2University of Oxford, Oxford, UK.
Synthese. 2019;196(1):313-327. doi: 10.1007/s11229-017-1477-x. Epub 2017 Jun 30.
There is a robust scientific consensus concerning climate change and evolution. But many people reject these expert views, in favour of beliefs that are strongly at variance with the evidence. It is tempting to try to explain these beliefs by reference to ignorance or irrationality, but those who reject the expert view seem often to be no worse informed or any less rational than the majority of those who accept it. It is also tempting to try to explain these beliefs by reference to epistemic overconfidence. However, this kind of overconfidence is apparently ubiquitous, so by itself it cannot explain the difference between those who accept and those who reject expert views. Instead, I will suggest that the difference is in important part explained by differential patterns of epistemic deference, and these patterns, in turn, are explained by the cues that we use to filter testimony. We rely on cues of benevolence and competence to distinguish reliable from unreliable testifiers, but when debates become deeply politicized, asserting a claim may itself constitute signalling lack of reliability.
关于气候变化和进化,存在着强有力的科学共识。但许多人拒绝接受这些专家观点,而倾向于与证据严重不符的信念。试图通过无知或非理性来解释这些信念很诱人,但那些拒绝专家观点的人似乎往往并不比接受专家观点的大多数人见闻更少或更不理性。试图通过认知过度自信来解释这些信念也很诱人。然而,这种过度自信显然无处不在,所以仅凭它无法解释接受和拒绝专家观点的人之间的差异。相反,我将表明,这种差异在很大程度上是由认知顺从的不同模式所解释的,而这些模式反过来又由我们用来筛选证词的线索所解释。我们依靠善意和能力的线索来区分可靠和不可靠的证人,但当辩论变得高度政治化时,断言某一主张本身可能就表明缺乏可靠性。